2017 Irvadi coup d'état

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2017 Irvadi coup d'état
Operation Vindicator
Irvadi civilians celebrating the coup's success in the late morning of April 6.
Location Irvadistan; Mostly Qufeira, Da'qurr, Qush Tepa, – violence and arrests in other places
Result Irvadi military takeover
  • Amin Kamel and his family flee the country to Koyro
  • National Council for Salvation dissolved
  • Irvadi Socialist Union dissolved
  • Popular Defence Brigades leadership detained
  • Constitution repealed
  • Provisional military government established
Irvadistan National Stability and Prosperity Committee
 Irvadi Freedom Defence Front
(supported by)
Irvadistan Government of Amin Kamel
(supported by)
 Koyro (limited)
 Kraq (denied)
Commanders and leaders
VM. Jamal Fakhri Tawfeek (Chief of General Staff)
  • Gen. Riad Zulfikar Abdulrashid (Commander of Defence Staff)
  • Gen. Saad Abdullah Ayyoubi (Commander of the 3rd Army)
  • Gen. Ali Hikmat al-Shihabi (Commander of Anwar al-Za'im airbase)
  • Gen. Ruhollah al-Qufeiri (Commander of Irvadi People's Police)
  • Col. Khalid Ali Haydari (Commander of Irvadi Freedom Defence Front)
  • Col. Jamal al-Bizri
M Amin Kamel (Chairman of Irvadistan)
  • Munir Hisham Saab  (DOW) (Deputy Chairman of Irvadistan)
  • Lt Gen. Rasim Kamel (Director of the Popular Defence Brigades)
  • Mj Gen. Sa'd Abdul-Majid Al-Faisal (Deputy Commander of the PDB)
  • Said Adel Safar (Minister of the Interior)
  • Muhammad Sabri (NCS member)
14,248 total personnel
  • 11,358 soldiers
  • 1,676 NCOs (Non-commissioned officers)
  • 1,214 military academy students
  • 100 tanks
  • 446 armored vehicles
  • 35 planes (24 fighter jets)
  • 37 helicopters

  • Ankoren 50 special forces (alleged)
  • Ankoren 6 fighter jets
9,517 total personnel
  • 3,666 Republican Guardsmen
  • 1,107 soldiers
  • 836 NCOs
  • 3,908 police
Casualties and losses
89 killed putchists killed
170 injured
One helicopter shot-down
513 pro-government forces killed
887 injured
3,603 captured
4 aircraft destroyed on the ground
297 civilians killed
889 killed in total
2,185 wounded overall
1,134 detained

On XX May 2017, a coup d'état took place in Irvadistan against state institutions, including, but not limited to the government and Chairman Amin Kamel. The coup was carried out by a faction within the Irvadi People's Defence Force with support from the Irvadi Freedom Defence Front that organized themselves as the National Stability and Prosperity Committee. They managed to seize control of several key places in Qufeira, Qush Tepa, and elsewhere, after confronting and defeat forces loyal to the state. The NSPC cited an erosion of independence, corruption, complicity in the rise of the Caliphate through politico-economic factors and a relegation of the country as puppet of Koyro, as reasons for the coup. The NSPC forces captured key targets in the capital, including the state media complex, all government ministries, the headquarters of the military, presidential palace and the ruling party's offices. In other cities, the NSPC forces captured radio and TV stations and detained senior members of the government.

During the coup, over 800 people were killed and more than 2,100 were injured. Many government buildings, including the former Parliament and the Presidential Palace, were bombed from the air. Mass arrests followed, with at least 40,000 detained, including at least 10,000 soldiers and Irvadi Socialist Union members. 15,000 education staff were also suspended and the licenses of 21,000 teachers working at private institutions were revoked as well after the government alleged they were loyal to the former government. More than 100,000 people have been arrested or fired from their jobs, on accusations of loyalty to the Kamel regime. Amin Kamel, his immediate family and several of his closest allies; who managed to escape arrest, fled to Koyro, however a majority of the senior regime leadership were either killed or arrested during the coup.

The NSPC immediately formed a Provisional Military Government under the same name and declared martial law across all government held Irvadistan, removing loyalist officers from the military and detaining party members and civil servants. The National Council for Salvation, the Irvadi Socialist Union and the constitution were all dissolved within a day of the coup's success.


Kamel regime

Amin Kamel rose to power in 1998 in wake of a successful coup d'état, that was backed by a near total majority of the Irvadi military. His decision to dissolve the legislature and replace it with the National Council for Salvation was also widely supported by the military, which saw it as a means of securing influence and political power. However, his rule swiftly became authoritarian in nature, exacerbating the low-level Irvadi Civil War into a full-scale war. As war against pro-democracy rebels took hold, his regime began to engage in corrupt practices and the wide use of nepotism and patronage led to inefficiencies and mismanagement weakening the economy and further dividing the population.

By the mid-2000s, fearing a coup against him or an undermining of his rule, Kamel began to appoint his brothers and relatives to high profile positions, sidelining many of the military officers who had assisted his rise to power in the late 1990s. Wide reports of his family using their positions to enrich themselves enough to live extravagant lifestyles further alienated many of his former allies and fueled further resistance to his regime.

His Irvadi Socialist Union by 2008 had ceased to be a vehicle for real ideological change, becoming an institution for continued rule and corruption. It was during the 2000s that Kamel's dependence upon Koyro for assistance in economic and political affairs became apparent, using the Koy to train the army, secret police and for political inspirations. Many in the Irvadi military, held nationalist views over socialist and were becoming resentful at Kamel's confidence in the Koy over his own military commanders.

Many analysts claimed that the Irvadi military had held negative views of Kamel as early as 2005, but lacked popular support to remove him. Their anger of being sidelined by Kamel's family and his closest associates from the ISU and the Koy and the rampant corruption that emerged post-1998 further angered the military, who came to view the regime as no different from the weak democratic regimes prior to his rise to power.


Corruption prior to 1998 was at levels that made Irvadistan rank consistently as one of the worse in Nautasia. However after Kamel's coup in 1998, those levels worsened as he became dependent on corruption to secure support from the Irvadi Socialist Union. The rise of patronage as a means of progression in Irvadi politics soon led to wide spread reports of kickbacks, bribes and embezzlement. Corruption eventually became so pervasive that even teachers were reported to have regularly taken bribes to alter the marks of students' work.

Under Kamel, Irvadistan's economic ratings declined, including ease of doing business, investment security and corrupt perception indices. The economy soon began to slow and stagnate as bottlenecks, failed projects and mismanagement became pervasive. Regularly, contracts would be issued to ISU members and business people with no intention of them being completed, but simply to offer the individuals regular payments in exchange for loyalty or favors. By 2015, Irvadistan was near the bottom in terms of ease of doing business and was regularly ranked as the top three most corrupt states in the world.

By 2011 and the emergence of Islamic Fundamentalist terrorist groups, this corruption extended to the war-effort, with pro-Kamel officers creating protection rackets and turning security checkpoints into money making machines. Between 2011 and 2017, human rights groups began to hear of pro-Kamel units asking for money in exchange for the release of terrorist suspects and officers bribing their superiors in exchange for promotions and leadership roles during operations as a means of career progression. This led to direct confrontations between the idealistic officer corps and those loyal to Kamel, efforts to end corruption within the military were regularly blocked by Kamel and would remain blocked even as these practices began to greatly hinder the military's capabilities in fighting the Caliphate.

Jean Pierre Pellissier, a leading Aininian researcher on Nautasian politics remarked in December 2016, "there has always been a significant number of Irvadi military officers who looked to Ankoren as evidence that the military could be a force for idealism and reform, many in the Irvadi officer corps looked upon corruption in dismay, fueled by nationalism these officers had always believed that Irvadistan could be different from other Nautaisan countries, free from corruption yet with a strong centralised authoritarian state built on moralistic ideals. This would make this faction constantly at odds with the Kamel regime."

Civil war and the Caliphate

Although Irvadistan has technically in a state of civil war since 1994 according to the Organization of Esquarian Nations, it was not until 2011 that the war became fully-fledged and represented a major threat to Irvadistan as a nation state. Between 2011 and 2014, the Irvadi military held the upper hand against a vast array of Sunni jihadist groups operating in the east of the country, with many of the groups fighting one another for supremacy or leadership over the resistance to the Kamel regime. However, the rise of Sunni jihadist groups inevitably led to the Kamel regime becoming sectarian in nature, expelling loyalist Sunnis from the state apparatus and replacing them with Shias and Christians.

Eventually the purge of Sunnis led to the removal of Sunni military officers who despite their loyalty were perceived as a threat due to growing reports of defections to the Jihadists. The removal of Sunni officers began to alienate the idealist faction furthermore, but had the added effect of degrading the military's capabilities. Many of those Sunnis purged fled either to Ankoren or defected to the Jihadists as a way of avenging their purge. The purge of the Sunni officers also alienated many other officers who had previously been neutral between the idealistic faction and those loyal to Kamel, yet the purge conjoined with the sidelining of the regular military for the Popular Defence Brigades and the Koy only deepened resentment towards Kamel.

The War's cost on the regular military was blamed on the overbearing interference by Amin Kamel, followed by its commanders being sidelined by the Koy and Kamel family led Popular Defence Brigades.

However, the civil war only further grew the gap between the regular military and the regime, who also viewed the regime's corrupt practices and use of sectarianism as complicit actions in the creation of the Caliphate. One purged Sunni officer who fled to Ankoren remarked that "if the regime was different, we did not suffer corrupt at the hands of his family, we would not have the Caliphate burning our cities." Anger towards the regime grew with the 2015 Summer Offensive by the Caliphate. The military's collapse, which brought the Caliphate within 20 miles of the capital in Qufeira was swiftly blamed on the Kamel regime by some military circles because of his direct involvement in command and control. Kamel's constant altering of deployment plans weakened the military's defences and strategies.

The 2015 offensive eventually led to greater Koy involvement in the war and further sidelined many Irvadi generals. Eventually by early 2016, many government operations were being led and overseen by Koy officers, who were said to be as incompetent as Kamel. This domination by foreign officers enlarged the anti-Kamel faction within the military and with the PDBs becoming more prominent in government eyes, in turn led by Kamel family members only further isolated the senior Irvadi military leadership.

The pervasive nature of the anti-Kamel arguments in 2016 and 2017 eventually led to a rise in the claim that many in the military and wider society were questioning what they were fighting the terrorists for. Many claimed that Kamel had denigrated the war effort to a mere defence of the "corrupt status-quo" and a defence of Koyro's "occupation of Irvadistan".

Contrary to popular belief within the regime and the ISU at large, the war had in effect led to a greater acceptance of nationalist tendencies and a rejection of socialism, which many in society and the military saw as a "failure that crippled the economy and produced the Jihadist wave that has claimed the lives of 500,000 Irvadis".

Role of Koyro

Following the 2015 offensive by the Caliphate, the Koy increased their presence in Irvadistan and soon their generals were commanding government offensives, sidelining Irvadi regular officers from planning and execution of operations. By the end of 2015, Hyun Jun Yu-su, commander of the Koy 37th Army had greater access to Kamel than Vice Marshal Jamal Fakhri Tawfeek, the head of the Irvadi People's Defence Force. The Koy soon expanded their role to include government advisers, business attaches and law enforcement trainers.

The Koy eventually came to lead many government operations, all but removing the regular army military leadership from operational command positions. The Koy also expanded their influence over Kamel directly, as well as the wider economy.

The dominant position of the Koy in all sectors of Irvadi life soon provoked anti-Koy protests within the military, especially within the nationalist circles who saw the Koy presence as "overbearing and almost reminiscent of an occupation." Constant Ankoreni propaganda broadcasts through its Pan-Nautasian radio and TV stations that the Koy were taking over Irvadistan with Kamel's approval eventually gave way to greater support for the nationalist faction in the Army. Resentment of the Koy reached fever pitch in late 2016, when Kamel hosted a Strategic Operations Conference, which would nominally include the regular military, the Popular Defence Brigades, Christian militia commanders and the Koy as observers, however the conference in Qush Tepa on December 19 2016, saw a complete absence of either Tawfeek or General Riad Zulfikar Abdulrashid, Tawfeek's second in command. In their place sat Colonel Yusuf Ali Kamel, Amin Kamel's nephew and an office of poor reputation.

Analysts after the coup noted leaked emails between Hyun Jun Yu-su's office and that of Chairman Kamel, requesting that Tawfeek and Abdulrashid be absent due to "their lack of commitment to the socialist struggle against religious extremism", the snubbing of them, according to the analysts pushed the regular military over to Ankoreni efforts of dividing the regular military from Kamel and made a coup all but inevitable.

Role of Ankoren

Following Ankoren's intervention in the Irvadi Civil War on May 10 2016, the country's entire trans-continental media machine began to focus on presenting Kamel and his allies as the sole reason for the Caliphate's existence. Referencing corruption, sectarianism and economic failure, they slowly began to turn Kamel's supporters against him. As the cost of the war began to mount in 2015-16, their media campaign began to see greater success.

Yet despite their undermining of Kamel throughout 2016 and 2017, the Ankorenis did maintain lines of communication with Kamel's regime, though only through the regular military to cooperate on the ground against the Caliphate. It was through these lines of communication with Tawfeek and Abdulrashid, that senior Ankoreni commanders like Burak Güven and Adnan Terim were able to present to these disgruntled officers the benefits of Islamic Collectivism, especially in the way that it all but guaranteed the military becoming the state. Rumors swiftly circulated that many of the meetings between Tawfeek, Abdulrashid and Güven and Terim usually involved the latter two trying to persuade the former to remove Kamel, with promises of a blank cheque from Ankoren. Between May 10 2016 and up to the coup, the four generals met on ten separate occasions. Each meeting was soon followed by a "Working Group" of senior commanders personally appointed by their respective superiors, these working groups would usually involve up to 20 generals from each side.

Post-Coup analysis has led many to believe that Ankoren's anti-Koy and anti-Kamel media campaign may have influenced and expanded the anti-Kamel faction within the Irvadi regular military and with near total support from the Ankoreni military-political leadership, have swayed the military towards believing that removing Kamel would end the perceived Koy occupation of the country.

Freedom Defence Front

In January 2017, a group of discharged and active Irvadi regular officers and soldiers founded the Irvadi Freedom Defence Front also known as the Black Hand. The Black Hand claimed to be fighting for Irvadi freedom and independence from Koyro, which they claimed was given control over the country by the Kamel regime in exchange for its continued existence and free hand to steal the wealth and resources of the country.

On April 5, the Black Hand launched a suicide bombing against a hotel in Qush Tepa, killing 76 people and injuring 200 others. Among the killed were prominent regime officials and civil servants and at least 7 Koy attaches to the Kamel regime. On April 9, the Black Hand bombed a restaurant in Da'Qurr, killing the Finance Minister Walid Sadiqqi, one of Kamel's closest allies. These two attacks were followed by a series of smaller attacks against regime targets, local and national level Irvadi Socialist Union politicians and supporters, either through gun attacks on small-scale car bombings.

The Defence Front's propaganda campaign and attacks on the regime aided its efforts to expand its support base and make public the claims of Kamel's surrender of Irvadistan to Koyro. Due to the widespread resentment towards the regime within the military, the Front according to several leaks was quickly spreading to include all three branches of the regular military, and across all ranks. Despite the Caliphate's major defeats of 2017, the Front began to claim that once removed from Irvadistan, there would be no scenario in which Kamel could continue to lead the country, since he was solely responsible for its emergence in the first place.

The Front's media campaign was followed by the Ankoreni campaign which took up their arguments, saying that "Kamel continuing on after the terrorists' defeat would lead to its resurrection in the future." Anonymous statements by Irvadi military officers concluded that many in the military agreed with that line of thinking, with many claiming that he could only ever have been removed after the threat of terrorism was destroyed.



At 22.00pm (local time), large numbers of Irvadi soldiers were spotted entering the city center in trucks, tanks and armoured vehicles. At the same time, the main roads and highways in and out of the capital were closed in junctions close to the city's outskirts, causing massive gridlock. At 22.05pm, the Amin Kamel International Airport office reported that all flights had been grounded and the airspace over the capital would be cleared. At the same time, numerous reports of heavy gunfire and explosions were reported at the Republican Guard training facility outside Qush Tepa, eye witnesses report seeing several gunships firing their cannons into the complex and large numbers of Army soldiers surrounding the exits.

At 22.30pm, widespread reports of social media sites going down reached the international media, this was followed by growing reports of gunfire and explosions in the government quarter of Qufeira. Eyewitnesses also reported seeing fighter jets and helicopters flying over the capital. At 22.33pm, the grounds of the Foreign Ministry were struck by a bomb dropped by a fighter jet. No one was reported killed or harmed.

An image reportedly showing a major fire at the Republican Guard Garrison in north Qufeira.

At 22.39pm, the Irvadi National Broadcasting Corporation went off-air, all broadcasts on radio and television swiftly ended afterwards and eyewitnesses reported seeing soldiers entering the broadcaster's television and radio studios. This was promptly followed by reports that people were being escorted out of the buildings. At 22.40pm, all social media sites were blocked and all cellular and landline coverage became unreliable across the country. Reports also reached the international media of heavy gunfire outside the Defence and Interior ministries, the was wide recognition that no official comment had been made by any Irvadi government official on the situation.

At 22.45pm, soldiers were spotted outside Qufeira's airport. Eyewitnesses in the terminal also reported seeing trucks unload troops outside a hangar, reportedly housing Kamel's private jet.

Throughout the night, eyewitnesses reported jet aircraft flying low over the capital, these jets would be in the air until 6.00am the next morning.

Presidential palace and ISU offices stormed

By 23.00pm, pro-coup forces were now reported to have seized control of all government buildings in the quarter with the exception of the Interior and Defence Ministries, eye-witnesses also reported running street battles between some police, Republican Guard and the pro-coup forces in the government quarter.

At the same time, pro-coup forces stormed the headquarters of the ruling Irvadi Socialist Union, engaging in gunfights with several police and Republican Guard. The pro-coup leadership reported that 16 loyalist soldiers were killed during the storming of the offices.

At 23.10pm, it was reported that fighting had broken out at the checkpoints leading to the presidential palace overlooking the city, this was followed by reports of a fighter jet firing a missile or dropping a bomb on the palace itself. According to a post-coup briefing by the coup leadership, around 600 soldiers had amassed at the foot of the Palace’s hill in preparation for an assault.

At 23.11pm, it was widely reported that the pro-coup forces had captured the ISU’s headquarters, detaining numerous party officials. Heavy fighting was still being reported at the Republican Guard Barracks in north Qufeira, this was followed by eyewitness statements saying several helicopter gunships attacked the base again.

At 23.20pm, civilians were seen marching behind pro-coup forces in support of the military’s actions. Isolated reports were also being made of civilians being gunned down by loyalist troops outside the Interior Ministry.

Putchist forces claim control of the government

At 23.31pm, Ruhollah al-Tabari, INBC’s evening newsreader read out a statement live, after an hour of the TV broadcaster going off-air. His statement said:

“On behalf of the National Stability and Prosperity Committee, which is representative of the Irvadi People’s Defence Force and the Irvadi Freedom Defence Front, I confirm that Irvadi Armed Forces have completely taken over the administration of the country to reinstate constitutional order, human rights and freedoms, the rule of law and general security that was damaged. As well as to end the forty-two years of failed socialism and tyranny of the Kamel regime. All international agreements are still valid. We hope that all of our good relationships with all countries will continue." Furthermore, the statement read, “as of now martial law is in effect this will be the case temporarily until order is restored. We shall begin to formulate a framework of a democratic Irvadistan as soon as possible.” INBC was then taken off air again.

Luziycan and Aininian commentators soon stated on their respective news channels that the coup was “very well executed”, while Alemannia Today argued that the “nature of the coup would certainly mean success and that it is highly likely that it is being orchestrated by the very highest levels of the Irvadi military.”

Popular uprising

Following the announcement on INBC, masses of civilians began to pour out onto the streets in support of the coup. At least 8,000 people were spotted entering Independence Square between 23.30pm and 00.30pm. Reports of disturbances in other cities and towns soon spread, with reports that civilians had stormed the police station and ISU offices in the city of Tirekt being confirmed later that night. At 23.48pm, Ayatollah Masoud Al-Bakr, the country’s most senior Shia cleric issued a fatwa through his website calling on Irvadis to support the coup. At 23.50pm, Grand Mufti Raheem Jaffer, the leading Sunni cleric followed suit. From midnight onwards, Mosques across Qufeira issued calls to prayer to bring civilians out onto the streets. Both Ankoreni and Petrean news agencies claimed that such moves by the religious establishment all but cemented the coup’s success.

At 23.55pm, pro-coup helicopter gunships attacked a Republican Guard position outside the Ministry of State Security killing 56 and injuring 80 others, pro-coup forces backed by tanks would later storm the secret police HQ, capturing the building and killing 103 loyalist soldiers and officers in the process.

A photography reportedly showing a pro-coup forces gunship opening fire on the Interior Ministry.

After midnight, there were 685 reports of incidents in towns and villages across the coastal region of Irvadistan, with civilians storming police stations, ISU offices and other state institutions in support of the coup. In Qush Tepa, pro-coup forces and civilians stormed the city’s police headquarters after the police chief expressed loyalty to Kamel, 83 people were killed including 66 civilians. At 01.01am, Naseeb al-Bitar, the governor of Qufeira governate was killed after his neighbours stormed his house and beat him to death according to INBC.

At 01.05am, INBC came back on-air, this time showing live feeds of the pro-coup crowds, the newsreader who read the pro-coup statement was replaced with Meera Sayed, who was found to be reading new stories in pro-coup terms without hesitation. INBC TV and Radio would be remain on-air for the entire night, reporting on the coup’s success and civilian uprisings.

Palace captured

At 01.14am, pro-coup controlled INBC news reported that "brave liberation forces have seized control of the presidential palace, the government has fallen, the palace of Kamel is now in the Army's hands." A minute later, INBC turned to a live statement being given by both Vice Marshal Jamal Fakhri Tawfeek and General Riad Zulfikar Abdulrashid, in their statement the duo revealed to be the leaders of the NSPC and promptly declared the Kamel regime over. Both urged civilians to return home for their safety and urged loyalists to surrender, claiming that coup forces were in complete control of the country.

INBC followed the interview with live camera feeds of pro-coup forces raising the red, white and black tricolor over the Kamel palace.

Coup successful

By 01.30am, INBC began reporting that large numbers of loyalists all across the capital and the country had begun surrendering to pro-coup forces. The NSPC through INBC declared the coup a success again, the Irvadi People's Police began to escort civilians celebrating the news into large public spaces, whilst the Irvadi People's Army reportedly began mass round ups of surrendered loyalists and of government officials and members of the Irvadi Socialist Union.

A pro-coup forces helicopter flying over crowds at dawn on the 6 April.

At 01.46am, INBC reported that the NSPC had issued a decree dissolving the Irvadi Socialist Union and the Kamel state institutions, including the National Council for Salvation. With still no message from any regime official, public perceptions were firmly behind the coup being a success. By 02.00am, all reports of violence began to subside, though mass celebrations continued all through to the morning.

Prominent government figures arrested or killed

Throughout the night, INBC reported the deaths of several key government officials, including; Munir Hisham Saab, the Deputy Chairman of Irvadistan and one of Kamel's closest allies. He reportedly died of gunshot wounds en-route to hospital from his home. INBC reported that the Deputy Chairman was shot after attempting to flee his home through his garden, his wife was also reported dead by INBC, who claimed that she was killed after Saab used her as a human shield.

Other victims included Said Adel Safar, the Interior Minister. Initial reports claimed that he too, died of gunshot wounds as he attempted to escape, however INBC reported in the afternoon of the 6 April, that he had in fact being killed when his house was stormed. His wife, his eldest son and one bodyguard were also killed in the raid.

Another well known public figure killed in the coup was Mj Gen. Sa'd Abdul-Majid Al-Faisal, the Deputy Commander of the Popular Defence Brigades, INBC reported that he was killed by one of his aides who was a member of the Irvadi Freedom Defence Front. The soldier reportedly gunned down his superior twenty minutes after the deployment of troops was first reported by INBC before it was taken off-air.

Captured loyalist soldiers being held in a school gymnasium in the capital.

Other victims included Iqbal Faizan, the Interim Finance Minister, who replaced Walid Sadeeqi, who was killed in a Defence Front car bombing on a restaurant in mid-April. He was reportedly killed by pro-coup forces when they stormed the Finance Ministry. Another was Nadim Alawi Shukri, a non-ministerial member of the National Council for Salvation, he was killed along with his wife and daughter when pro-coup forces raided his home at 00.24am.

At least six commissioned officers were killed on the frontline during the coup, after pro-coup forces moved to arrest known loyalist officers in command posts. At least 26 others were detained.

At least three other non-ministerial members of the NCS were arrested during the coup, alongside 876 senior party officials not in the executive. The entire national level judiciary were detained relatively early into the coup.

Loyalist soldiers lynched

According to the INBC in the evening of the 6 April, 22 soldiers were reportedly lynched by civilians for their defence of the regime during the previous night's events. The INBC reported that they were attacked by civilians armed with knives and weapons confiscated from loyalist soldiers. Pro-coup forces swiftly rescued the other 30, separating civilians from captured loyalists from then on. Despite initial outrage of the news by wider audiences, the NSPC has since been silent on the matter, leading many international commentators to suspect that during the evening, pro-coup forces engaged in what would be criminal activity against loyalists.

Public support for the coup became apparent several hours into the operation. An estimated 1.2 million people had taken to the streets either during the events or in the following 24 hours to express support for the military.

Ankoreni involvement

Reasons for success

Kamel's absence

No clear leadership

Silence from the government

Lack of Koy interference



Immediately after the evening's events, mass celebrations broke out across the country, numerous statues and monuments of Amin Kamel and his socialist predecessors were torn down or burnt. In the capital, pro-coup forces began emptying government buildings of his portraits, the black, white and green tricolor of the socialist regime and set them ablaze in large piles. The ISU's headquarters were set ablaze at around 06.42am by civilians, though not before the pro-coup forces had successfully emptied it of documents and address lists of party members.

Smoke rising from the grounds of the Ministry of Education on the morning of the 6 April.

In the early daylight hours, IPA engineering vehicles began to clear the roads and debris and abandoned vehicles to reduce traffic congestion, at 07.00am, all fights from Amin Kamel International Airport (at 06.30am, it was renamed to Qufeira International Airport) resumed. The same time, the NSPC announced it was deploying troops to Qush Tepa and Da'qurr to replace police units loyal to Kamel, to end the mass looting and score settling reported. At 08.00am, the IOHR reported that least 37 people, believed to be regime informants were killed across the country, primarily in Qufeira and Mingjaik, it followed an earlier report by the IOHR, that pro-coup forces had re-opened social media and printed the names and addresses of informants.

In wake of the public's mass support for the coup, the NSPC through decree announced that the state of martial law declared during the night was now void. At 09.00am, the NSPC also through decree, officially merged all divisions of the Irvadi People's Police under the direct control of General Ruhollah al-Qufeiri, the commander of the IPP; it came after several reports emerged of IPP units refusing to accept the authority of the NSPC. Further clashes were reported in Qush Tepa, Da'qurr, Amzir and Barzah between pro-coup civilian groups and loyalist police.

Arrests and purges

An extensive purge of the Irvadi civil service began in the wake of the coup, with the NPSC stating that "any with one iota of loyalty to the regime will be removed." The Aininian newspaper, Le Métropolitain along with some other Western media described the purges as a "form of revenge for the military's isolation under Kamel", with Alemannia Today expecting the military to "become more vengeful and obsessed with removing its opponents, exploiting the crisis not just to punish regime loyalist soldiers but to quash whatever support Kamel had left in Irvadistan,". Within 24 hours of the coup, the provisional government had arrested close to 6,500 people; including soldiers, officers, civil servants, teachers, judges, lawyers, journalists and secret police officers.

By the 8 April, 103 generals and admirals have been detained, around 45% of the Irvadi military's total. Though a majority would be released in exchange for oaths of loyalty to the Irvadi people. On the same day, the NSPC issued by a decree a ban on all criticism of the coup, claiming that "those who would undermine the operation and revolution of the 6 May would be doing nothing but expressing support for the failed regime." The decree was widely criticised in the free media as a dangerous move to protect the military junta from criticism, yet the move was applauded by the Irvadi people, who according to other newspapers wanted to move on.

Public support and post-Kamel system

Although the Army feared that its coup would be met with hostility by the general public, it found that a vast majority of the population embraced the move. During the night's events thousands of civilians in Qufeira took to the streets in support of the coup, some aiding the pro-coup forces in capturing government buildings. The pro-coup forces however were swift to block a majority of the civilian masses out of the government quarter, directing them to Independence Square several hundred yards south of the main areas of fighting, here the crowds began to amass and rally in support of the coup.

By the afternoon of the 6 April, an estimated 1.4 million people had taken the streets over the course of the day and the previous night in support of the coup. Independence Square effectively became the hub of post-coup celebrations, with numerous speakers addressing the crowds, offering their support to the provisional government. The celebrations also became scenes of debate, as Irvadis began to openly discuss what system would follow the Kamel Regime.

On the morning of the 7 April, the NSPC announced that it was in discussions with the Provisional Authority of Irvadistan, to have their established system transferred all across Irvadistan. Not only would it result in the PAI returning to Irvadistan, but would see the interim government of the PAI, under Abdul-Tariq Samad assume power over all Irvadi held territory, but would also see the PAI's impending parliamentary republican system also implemented. In the same announcement, the NSPC revealed that it was using Mosques to gauge public opinion due to the lack of "sufficient resources and assets." According to a poll conducted by an Ankoreni company on the provisional government's behalf on April 8, 73% back the PAI's re-integration with Irvadistan, 78% Samad's government assuming power over the entire country and 72% back the implementation of the PAI's parliamentary system across the entire country.

International reaction

  •  Aucuria - A spokesman for the Aucurian Ministry of Foreign Affairs declared that the Aucurian government was "officially neutral" on the coup d'etat, but expressed "severe concern about several allegations of human rights violations during the coup".
  •  Bohemia - Bohemian Foreign Affairs Spokesperson Zdeněk Hönig (under High Commissioner Kateřina Moravcová) stated: "We respect the will of the Irvadi people during this long lasting civil conflict that has caused much pain, and seek for that will to be represented by whoever leads Irvadistan. While security is paramount, we hope new transitional governments and claimants and the leaders who exercise will over Irvadistan allow the Irvadi people to vote and be engaged for deciding their next leader and governing figures. An Irvadistan that is aligned with democratic values, a care for human rights and rule of law is an Irvadistan that can and will prosper at home and abroad."
  •  Bohemia (Liberation) - Bohemian Liberation Spokesperson Deputy High Commissioner Ling Jiao stated: "We echo the statement from Spokesperson Zdeněk Hönig, and will work with all leaders of Iravadistan to find peace, democracy, rule of law and the end to the reign of terrorism by the caliphate."
  •  Ceresnia - President Andrei Rogorov has expressed his concern over the situation in Irvadistan and has stated that the country will only stay together under a dictator and a secular government which would encourage neither Islam, neither political change, which he said were the largest problems with Nautisia.
  •  Koyro - Neither the State of Koyro or the Koy Socialist Revolutionary Party gave official comment on the events in Irvadistan. The Central Military Commission issued orders to all units stationed in Irvadistan to remain in their barracks until the crisis was over. on the 6th May a spokesman from the Koy Foreign Ministry stated that Koyro continued to recognise Amin Kamel as the rightful head of state of the Democratic Republic of Irvadistan.
  •  Kraq - The Kraqi government officially remained neutral regarding the coup d'état, with the Kraqi Foreign Ministery urging for calm and for all sides to avoid unnecessary escalation which could undermine the fight against the Caliphate. Following the coup's success, the Kraqi government moved to quietly recognise the new government, avoiding any public acknowledgment of the events in Irvadistan. Since the end of the crisis, multiple sources have accused the Kraqi government of smuggling former officials associated with the Amin Kamel regime out of the country and into Kraq, often into positions of power within the nominally pro-government Democratic Revolutionary Forces of Kraq; claims which the government has denied.
  •  Luziyca - Vice-President Jan Kroon stated that "our government has hopes that the coup will lead to a restoration of Irvadi democracy and an end to the war that the Irvadis have been fighting on and off since 1994."
  •  Namor - The Foreign Ministry said it will not comment on the legitimacy of the coup until a "broad international consensus" on the matter is formed. In the meantime, it called on Namorese citizens in Irvadistan to leave the country due to security concerns.
  •  Pavonistade - The Pavonistadian government maintains neutrality regarding the coup d'état. Foreign Affairs Minister Laio Topkha issued a statement in which he expresses hope for a quick and timely return to peace in Irvadistan. President Otakhtay Sgriki issued a separate statement warning that "any further escalation of instability in Irvadistan and Nautasia will certainly result in uncontrollable violence".
  •  West Cedarbrook - A spokesman for the Department of External Affairs briefly commented "It is hoped that the change in regime will lead to a more stable situation in Irvadisatan and the greater eastern Nautasian region".