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Commonwealth of Kavo
Statebond van Kavo



Flag Coat of arms
"Beatus vir qui facit opus Dei."
"Blessed is the man that doeth the work of God."
"See the conq'ring hero comes"
Map of Kavo, detailing towns and cities
Capital Port Arthur
Government Apartheid Military Republic
 - 1999-2017 Marcus van der Veld
 - UDI 3rd September 1958
 - Coup d'Etat 18th January 2017

Kavo, more formally known as The Commonwealth of Kavo (English pronunciation /kɑːvo/, Araabyne pronunciation /kɑːvɔə̯/) was a nation located in Northern Arabekh and was considered to be the de facto successor state of the former Colony of Kavo and the Araabyne, after the predominantly White government issued a Unilateral Declaration of Independence spurred on by the collapse of colonialism and pressure by the Aquidish government to enforce Black Majority Rule over the colony. This UDI was issued on 3rd September 1958 by then Chief Minister Duncan Knowles and was swiftly followed by the Constitutional Declaration in December of that year which established the former Colony of Kavo and the Araabyne as the Commonwealth of Kavo. The Commonwealth of Kavo officially ceased to exist on the 19th January 2017, though military and paramilitary groups loyal to the Kavoene government would continue to fight on behalf of a government in exile for some time after this.

The Constitution initially called for the retention of the Monarch as titular head of state, however once Kavo failed to receive recognition from their former colonial rulers and were rejected by the monarchy the constitution was amended to allow for an elected president. Since 1965 the office of the President assumed more and more executive power until in 1976 a military coup radically altered the constitution, requiring all Presidential candidates to be serving or retired commissioned military officers; as of 1979 the role of the elected Prime Minister has been substantially diminished with the President wielding almost absolute executive authority.

Initially plagued by a brutal guerrilla war between the Kavoene military and a number of militias including the Crown Loyalists and local groups fighting for Black Majority Rule, the so called Third Brush War was declared over in 1980 after a series of decisive victories which resulted in the deaths of key pro-democracy leaders and the expulsion of colonial loyalists. The Kavoene victory was largely fuelled by the government's development of a local weapons industry and their uninhibited use of conscription and militia of their own. With the conclusion of the Third Brush War the White Kavoene militias were officially disbanded, however many continued to operate even up to the present serving largely as resistance and insurgent groups against the Sheeran government.

The last President was Marcus van der Veld, who was the first President of Kavo to have been born to the Araabyne speaking white minority; his election came following increased domination of the military and police elements by nationalist Araabyner groups. Van der Veld was removed from office on the 18th January 2017 and replaced as Head of State by Lt.-Col. Richard Dawkins, who never assumed the title of President and instead suspended the constitution. Though Dawkins and his supporters would continue to fight under the Kavoene flag for the cause of the Kavoene state from this point on it is generally accepted that the Commonwealth no longer existed in either de jure or de facto terms. Van der Veld's policies were largely liberal resulting in increased rights and protections for the Black majority and elimination of antiquated laws preventing Black citizens from holding senior positions within the police force. These reforms were largely overshadowed by the resurgence of several militia seeking Black Majority Rule which have reignited racial tensions in the more remote areas of the country, leading to the Fourth Brush War; Dawkins overturned many of van der Veld's reforms when he suspended the constitution.

Kavo was a somewhat developed nation with an impressive economy given its position, however it ranked consistently lower than average of development indices and in terms of income equality. While the economy of Kavo was well developed and stable, income equality was an endemic and historically significant issue which had plagued the country since its independence, this inequality combined with the policies of racial segregation which defined the nation's policies and resulted in consistently lower than average rankings in terms of development. While the nation's GDPPC at its peak was $22,500 the average wage was in fact closer to $15,000 with figures going lower for certain Black ethnic groups and tribes which were under represented politically.

Etymology and Terminology

The Charter of Corporation granted in 1867 established the twin colonies of Kavo and Araabyne under the control of the Aquidish North Arabekh Company, however the name Kavo predates the Charter by around fifty years. The territories were initially referred to entirely as Araabyne which was derived from the continent's name Arabekh; however under the charter the land was split in two necessitating a name for the second territory. Initial suggestions were simply to name the lands North and South Araabyne, or alternately a name from the local languages; in the end the chosen name was based upon the names of the two men considered key to the discovery and colonisation of the land - Richard Karlsen and Julian Vogens forming the portmanteau Kavo.

Kavo was initially referred to simply as the Republic of Kavo and Araabyne, however the 1979 constitutional convention which amended the 1976 constitution officially changed the nation's designation from Republic to Commonwealth. The reasoning given in the amendment for the change was that the nation was to be ruled "By the White minority for the betterment and common good of the majority, until such time as the government deems the majority fit to rule themselves." The wording of this passage was later amended further to change the word 'good' to 'wealth' affirming the government's ideologically capitalist position.


Pre-Colonial History

The lands which would form the Commonwealth of Kavo have been inhabited continuously for over six thousand years, with the first signs of organised civilisation appearing circa 4500 BCE, however the first written accounts of the region's history come from circa 3750 BCE when the first local written language came into being in the form of the Ashimi Pictographic Script. The earliest traces of the Ashimi civilisation in Kavo indicate that a highly organised and ritualised society flourished along the banks of the Three Sisters, which was largely organised into small city states or petty kingdoms; by 2000 BCE however these individual political entities had merged into a single Ashimi kingdom which was ruled from the ancient city of Sharhatal. The ruins of Sharhatal itself have never been located leading to a great deal of speculation of the precise nature of the Sharhatallic Kingdom, and some scholars go so far as to claim that Sharhatal itself is little more than a common myth for the region and a metaphor for the union of the Ashimi peoples of the region since msot archaeological evidence indicates that the Sharhatallic Kingdom was ruled from the city of Ur, the location of which is known.

Sharhatallic pottery has been found in quantity throughout eastern Arabekh and west into the central continental interior, which supports the Johannes Theory that the Ashimi traded openly and directly with the Zuhal culture and peoples to the south, as well as the now extinct coastal Dhwente peoples and the cultures of central Arabekh. This trade was likely facilitated by early Ashimi development of light shallow draft coastal vessels as well as poleboats which traversed the Three Sisters, as well as by the Ashimi culture's largely peaceful nature. Despite its broad trading links within the region the Sharhatallic Kingdom would not advance beyond Bronze Age technology.

The Ashimi dominated the central regions of modern day Kavo around the Three Sisters until around 1000 BCE when the expanding Zuhalite Empire spread north concurrently with a nomadic migration southwards by the Shuhuntu peoples. According to written records from both Ashimi and Zuhal sources, which have been backed up by the extensive archaeological efforts of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Zuhalite Empire rapidly subjugated the Ashimi Kingdom and absorbed its culture, before in turn collapsing in the face of the Shuhuntu migration. By 200 BCE both the Ashimi and Zuhalite civilisations had collapsed to be replaced with more than seven hundred years of Shuhuntu domination; during the period between 200 BCE and 500 CE written records become incredibly sparse as the Shuhuntu peoples had yet to adopt a written language and had no organised form of central government - the only records which exist from this period come from the few remaining Ashimi and Zuhal holdouts in city states around the Three Sisters. This period is referred to as the Shuhuntu Desolation.

The Shuhuntu Desolation officially ended in 552 CE with the rise of Umbutu Bwezhi who unified the southern tribes of the Shuhuntu and formed the First Shuhuntu Kingdom (contemporaneously known as Zembaruu). Umbutu Bwezhi conquered the Ashimi and Zuhal city states and the Three Sisters and used Ashimi scholars to form the Shuhuntu Script which used a blend of the Ancient Ashimi and Zuhal languages for its grammar and syntax; this Script would be the first language to come from the region to abandon pictographs and adopt a form of alphabet. With the appearance of the Shuhuntu Script came the Shuhuntu Renaissance, during which time the Zembaruu Kingdom advanced rapidly into the Iron Age. The First Shuhuntu Kingdom lasted for four centuries before being overthrown by a resurgent Ashimi hierarchy forming the Kingdom of Sheera and bringing about a short lived period of peace for the region from 986 CE until 1040 CE. With the death of Sheera's second king the country fell into a period of civil war, during which the Ashimi nobles fell from power. In 1077 CE a Shuhuntu warlord rose once again and formed the Second Shuhuntu Kingdom, using the existing name of Sheera. This kingdom would continue to rule over the majority of the territory which makes up modern day Kavo until the colonial age.

Colonial Era (1857-1958)

In June 1857 Lieutenant-Colonel Julian Vogens of the Aquidish North Arabekh Company arrived in on the coast of Sheera with a force of two thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry as well as two batteries of gallop artillery to establish the trading post of Port Arthur for the exploitation of the local populations and resources. With its rich supply of ivory, copper, iron, tin, gold, and coal the region was and ideal site for trade with the NAC bringing in metal tools and textiles to trade with the native peoples. Initially the trading post co-existed peacefully with the peoples of Sheera, however after foreign powers started to broker treaties with the surrounding natives, threatening trade, Lt-Col. Vogens was ordered to take a sizeable portion of his military force and take the Sheeran city of Ur several miles north; Ur was the seat of the Shuhuntu King and the centre of their society.

Lt-Col. Julian Vogens.
Ur fell with shocking rapidity and the Sheeran royal family was exterminated; a series of efforts by Shuhuntu, Ashimi, and Zuhal tribes to regain control of the land caused the NAC to increase its commitment within the region, until eventually in 1863 there were some ten thousand NAC soldiers deployed there marching in various directions. By 1866 all of the major tribes had been subjugated by Vogens' command prompting the ANAC to seek a formal charter of colonisation from the government which was ratified in 1867. A brief revolt by the Dhwente tribes of the coastal regions served as the catalyst for the cementing of colonial authority in the newly formed Colonies of Kavo and Araabyne; the extermination of the Dhwente people by the ANAC's naval forces and soldiers was one of the region's largest examples of colonial genocide and built the foundation of fear and subjugation upon which colonial control would be established.
NAC Infantry fight the Dhwente tribes.
The extermination of the Dhwente led to the mass migration of Asuran and Rohstian colonists into the twin colonies and several new settlements were established throughout the land around strategically important positions or locations where valuable resources had been located. In 1890 the ANAC was declared bankrupt and subsequently the control of the colonies fell to the government who, in order to pay the ANAC's debts sold vast tracts of land to various mining and farming interests; this move further increased the number of white settlers moving into the colonies and provided the basis for the development of the colony as an industrial centre in its own right. The discovery of oil in 1887 further fuelled white migration and made the colonies economically significant at a stroke, however by this time the long term white inhabitants of Kavo and Araabyne had developed their own culture and with the adoption of the Araabyner language they came to resent future white settlers as interlopers.

In 1893 the local Araabyner rose up in protest against the mass settlement of white Asurans into their lands; arming themselves with locally produced firearms and equipment they initiated the First Brush War against the colonial government seeking for themselves independence. After a brief campaign which resulted in the capture of Port Arthur, Fort Hamill, and Lanchester, the three major seats of colonial power in Kavo and Araabyne, the Araabyner proclaimed the Araabyne Free State (Araabyne-Vrijstaat). The Port Arthur Accords saw the Free State gain recognition from its former colonial master, however their independence was short lived and in 1896 under the pretext of security during the Great War the Second Brush War was declared. The Free State was invaded from the sea with the seizure of Port Arthur, Port David, and Port Michael; this early denial of the major trading ports crippled the Free State's ability to supply and fund itself, however despite lacking the means to supply a regular army Araabyner militias known as the Commandos and Voortrekkers formed to resist the invasion. The Second Brush War would last for fifteen years until the Free State was forced to surrender at Fort Haber following the extensive use of internment camps and fortified block houses by the colonial military.

Araabyner Commandos fend off colonial troops.
Following the defeat of the Free State in 1911 the Araabyner whites were stripped of their power and though allowed to return to their farms and businesses they would be excluded from the governance of the colonies until independence was declared in 1958. Small scale efforts to rebuild the Free State were made throughout the following three decades, but all failed to gain popular support; that said it was widely recognised that Araabyner nationalism remained a powerful force within the colonies and increasing numbers of white Asuran settlers came to identify with the subjugated culture, as a result when the UDI was issued in 1958 the government identified itself more with the Araabyner culture than that of the increasingly ostracised white Asuran settler culture which had previously dominated the colonial government.

In 1949 in an effort to retain some degree of control over an increasingly prosperous and economically independent colony the twin colonies were merged in the Colony of Kavo and the Araabyne Coast; with large Nuwe-Araabyner influence in the region and well ordered police forces controlled by Araabyner appointees the colony gained Responsible Government in 1952. A growing surge of democracy globally throughout the period between 1939 and 1970 gave rise to increasingly ardent calls from among the Shuhuntu, Ashimi, and Zuhal peoples of Kavo to turn away from the white minority rule and open up the elective franchise; early scepticism by the Aquidish government was eventually turned into resignation when it became clear that a costly war would need to be fought in order to maintain the status quo. Thus in 1957 the Aquidish government declared that it would be transferring control of the colony over to a government elected by an open franchise in 1958; the response was swift, with numerous government bodies and officials within the colony calling on the colonial government to abandon the plan and set back the date of transfer. However with the prospect of a costly war on the horizon, as well as a strong belief in the patriotism of the white settlers in Kavo, the government was convinced that no ill could come of forcing majority rule upon Kavo.

The UDI and Third Brush War (1958-1980)

In March 1958 the Home Office, Foreign Office, Police, and Militia Office of Kavo held an open conference which included hundreds of local representatives from Araabyner communities as well a senior civil servants, military officers, and even the Chief Minister in Port Arthur. At this conference the gathered delegates agreed to issue an ultimatum to the government and Governor that sovereignty of the newly independent nation of Kavo be handed over to them; a twenty eight page document was signed and sent to the homeland to this effect, but was firmly rejected. Numerous further attempts to negotiate a settlement were made, during which time the conference attendees organised themselves into something more closely resembling an organised government; finally on 29th August 1958 the Aquidish government issued its final refusal and ordered the dissenting parties to disband. Four days later the Conference, now referring to itself as the Government of the Republic of Kavo, issued a UDI and took control of the government of Kavo. The transfer of power was relatively smooth as the vast majority of senior government officials, police, and military officers were a part of the Conference; however the Governor had to be forcibly expelled from his residence and deported.

Members of a pro-ArKav Militia.
Immediately following the UDI the four major pro-democracy and pro-independence movements declared a state of war on the new Republic of Kavo, each proclaiming itself to be the just and legitimate government of Kavo; these movements coalesced into the Pan-Sheera Alliance (P-SA), the Socialist Union of Sheera (SUSa), the Ashimi Independent Front (AIF), and the Zuhal Alliance for a Free Arabekh (ZAfaFA). The P-SA started to seize control of key sugar and cotton producing regions, encouraging the black inhabitants to join their cause in a peaceful way; however P-SA was the only peaceful independence movement and while this meant that they were spared being declared as 'dangerous rebel elements' like the other three it resulted in their early collapse after the Army of Kavo (ArKav) under the command of Colonel Arman de Wet retook the lost plantations in a sweeping police action. The bulk of P-SA's supporters fled either south to join up with one of the other groups, or across the border into refugee camps.

SUSa was the first group to initiate armed resistance to the Port Arthur regime, with a series of guerrilla raids against white farmers and settlements within the western and central regions of the country. ArKav force responded in force with airstrikes and helicopter mounted assaults on SUSa compounds, forcing the rebels to retreat further and further into the deep brush and jungle of the interior. It is unclear when the first atrocities commenced and by whom they were first perpetrated, however as the conflict spread so too did the stories of wholesale slaughter, torture, and rape. The war between SUSa and ArKav was brutal with SUSa forced to rely upon makeshift weapons and tactics while the ArKav took what was described in foreign media as a 'devil may care approach to jungle warfare' with flamethrowers and incendiary bombardments commonplace. A deadly back and forth would continue between SUSa and ArKav for the next two decades, until ArKav finally located an destroyed the 'nerve centre' of SUSa's operations at a location known at the time as Ant Hill; in a well reported and televised battle which took two weeks ArKav forces broke into the complex of tunnels and bunkers at Ant Hill and systematically put the entire place to the torch, killing thousands and taking many more prisoner.

Women formed an essential part of many militia and military units.
While the war between ArKav and SUSa was isolated within the west and centre of the country the conflict between AIF, ZAfaFA, and ArKav was anything but; both the AIF and ZAfaFA were well supplied and trained and capable of great mobility, and both shared a mutual hatred which resulted in a bloody three way war throughout the rest of the country. At first ArKav tried to pinpoint the enemy positions and eliminate them with precision and force, however when it became clear that the AIF and ZAfaFA were too well organised to fall so easily a significant rethink in strategy took place. In 1968 on the anniversary of the UDI General Richard Thomson announced that ArKav forces would now be engaging only in defensive operations around key economic and populated areas. The result of this policy was a sudden and drastic drop in ArKav casualties, while the AIF and ZAfaFA continued to suffer from horrific attrition rates as they fought each other and ArKav's well prepared defensive positions. By late 1969 the second phase of the Thomson Plan was put into effect, small elite units started to penetrate deep into AIF territory and struck at supply dumps and command centres, effectively crippling their ability to operate as a cohesive fighting force, causing ZAfaFA to gain ground rapidly against them. By weakening the AIF in specific areas ArKav were able to predict where ZAfaFA forces would be advancing and would then launch brutal air and artillery strikes against them.
Richard Thompson, the war hero behind the Thompson Plan.
The Thomson Plan was widely successful and left both the AIF and ZAfaFA weakened and unable to pose a real military threat. However for all their success on the battlefield ArKav were unable to strike a decisive blow against the rebel forces during this period, and the result was that a series of raids and terror attacks throughout ArKav held areas would shake the newly formed nation's morale. Under ever increasing demands to end the violence ArKav seized power over the government in a coup in 1976 and installed Andrew Dalton, a retired navy Captain, as President; with absolute power over the nation and itself defence under Dalton ArKav embarked upon the 'Desolation Policy'. The unrestricted use of incendiary weapons was authorised and suddenly where before flamethrowers and incendiaries had been used only as a defoliant, they were now authorised as a means to strike directly at the enemy. ArKav laid waste to hundreds of miles of jungle and farmland as they swept through AIF and ZAfaFA held territories.

Unable to sustain their military movement and with increasingly harsh reprisals being enacted against captured soldiers and their families both the AIF and ZAfaFA were forced into surrender with the leaders finally brought together in 1980 to sign the Fort Anders Accord which restored peace to the region and signalled the end of the Third Brush War.

The Reconstruction (1980-2011)

With the Third Brush War concluded the government, then under President Jeroen van Daal, embarked upon one of the most ambitious projects of infrastructural and economic development in the history of Arabekh which collectively came to be known as the Reconstruction Policies.

The widespread destruction of the Third Brush War had left many regions in Kavo isolated with severely damaged and in many cases obsolete infrastructure. The revolutionary movements which had fought against ArKav had neither the manpower nor resources to develop the territories under their control, and with the constantly shifting tactical situation which came with such a war it was impossible for either side to efficiently invest in any sort of infrastructure. The overall result of these factors was that only those areas well within the control of ArKav had seen any sort of development or investment since the 1930s and even the districts which had remained untouched by the war were hampered by neglect as the majority of the government's attention and funding had been placed on the conduct of the war.

The first phase of the Reconstruction was the nationwide land reforms which allowed local farmers, both black and white, to claim an allotment of land for the purposes of farming or economic activity. These reforms served multiple purposes and the van Daal administration openly admitted that they had several ulterior motives in pushing through the open land reforms; the principle declared goal of the program was to put as much of the country's land into economic use as possible within a short period, however other stated goals included the appeasement of those black communities and figures who had supported ArKav, and the immediate destruction of the revolutionary movement's regional foundations. By issuing free land to anyone willing to occupy and work it the van Daal government hoped to initiate a massive internal migration which would scatter the revolutionaries and break up areas of concentrated support so as to delay or ideally outright prevent a Fourth Brush War. The reforms were not without negative consequences however as much of the land being given away was traditional tribal land which had been occupied by specific tribes and groups for centuries; that the land was suddenly stripped away and handed out to people regardless of their background meant the dissipation of these tribal communities and generated a great deal of tension between the existing local populations and those settlers from elsewhere in the country.

In June 1982 tensions between settlers and locals came to a head when local police requested military assistance after members of the ethnically Shuhuntu Maatsi tribe attacked and killed four families of settlers within their traditional lands, three of the families had been black. The result was massive public outcry among the Geassimileer black community in the more cosmopolitan east of the country which prompted the government to rapidly deploy via helicopter, troops to apprehend those responsible. Over the following months the military commitment increased as settlers successfully petitioned the government for greater protection finally resulting in the Lawful Militia Act 1983 which allowed local settlers to form militias with police supervision for the protection of themselves and their property. Within three months of the passage of the Act instances of attacks on settlers decreased drastically prompting further waves of settlers into the region.

The second phase of the Reconstruction was to renovate the large cities of the east coast, this was helped along by the fact that many of the large slum areas of these cities had been depopulated as a result of the land reforms. Thus in 1984 the government started to bulldoze and demolish large areas designated as slums or otherwise 'nonviable urban developments' - within weeks of the initiation of this program large areas of several major cities were reduced to rubble piles and flatten waste ground upon which new thoroughly planned developments would be built. With vast areas of land in and around the major cities of the east coast suddenly vacated and available at remarkably cheap prices urban and business developers moved in, taking advantage of the post-war economic surge and government subsidies to build modern residential and business districts. Meanwhile the large areas of land left from the demolition of suburban slams were sold off to industrial interests leading to a massive increase in the country's output of steel, iron, and copper which had a high retail value on the international black market. The development inadvertently led to the rise of vast state sponsored smuggling operations in order to export the sudden influx of materials that Kavo was now producing, and with the government one of the only means of smuggling goods out of the country in any quantity executive power and the national treasury grew rapidly.

By 1989 on the eve of the new decade the popular van Daal government published a report on the progress of Reconstruction citing statistics, which were later confirmed by numerous impartial sources, indicating that the land reforms had tripled the country's agricultural output for the domestic market and simultaneously had eliminated famine and starvation from the country as a significant cause of death. In the report the urban development programs were lauded as a success, however the Rt. Hon. Kristiaan de Stadt (lead author of the report) criticised the government's lack of attention to the economic and infrastructural needs of what he referred to as "[the] Middle Strata of the nation" by which he meant the large areas of the country which had been included in neither the land reforms nor the urban development programs. The De Stadt report described the situation as "[the] worst tactical blunder since the conclusion of the war; vast areas of the country, with viable resources and considerable potential for trade, go undeveloped and unnoticed by the government and this is an example of gross negligence on the part of policy makers in Port Arthur. The successes of the east coast and peripheries of the country are to be commended, yet it seems that they have come at the expense of a slowly festering wound at the heart of the land which, if left untreated, will surely turn gangrenous to fatal effect."

The De Stadt Report did not entirely destroy public confidence in van Daal, and largely bolstered public perceptions of the Reconstruction as a policy, however by highlighting the neglected central regions of the country, including major cities outside the east coast area, it had succeeded in forcing van Daal to bring forward the third phase of Reconstruction a full five years ahead of his intended schedule. The results were mixed; all at once stagnating cities in the central and northern reaches of the country started to see government investment and slum clearing, though on a somewhat smaller scale, however because the new works were initiated early van Daal's planners and logistical officials were unable to effectively adapt to the problems of supplying and managing both the ongoing developments on the east coast (which remain incomplete) and the newly initiated ones elsewhere. What this meant was that many so called 'Third Phase' cities ended up in an ugly form of limbo in which the demolition work was carried out, while the actual development and reconstruction in these areas had yet to begin. Work was further hampered when several major companies turned down proposed investment deals with the government for the development of the third phase cities in favour of focusing on the completion of their ongoing projects elsewhere. By 1991 the overall situation had come to be viewed as a prime example of mismanagement on the part of the government and in May of that year van Daal was swept out of office in a landslide defeat which placed Sgt-Maj. Richard Kepler in the Presidency.

Kepler's administration ordered an immediate review of the Reconstruction Policies and in 1994 the review committee, once again headed by the Rt. Hon. Kristiaan de Stadt, returned its findings. Though the review's contents were not made public a fourteen page summary was issued to the press, along with a policy memorandum which outlined how Kepler's administration intended to address each key point highlighted by de Stadt's review. The first phase of this new plan was to turn the government's attention to the construction of major road and rail networks throughout the country; de Stadt pointed out that though large areas within the country had been well developed their productivity and efficiency was being hampered by 19th and early 20th century infrastructure which was struggling to keep up with the demands of a modern and developing economy. The result was the nationalisation of the railways and massive investment in new roads and vinnigeroetes (motorways) which would be partially funded by private interests in exchange for tax cuts on road duties for their cargo lorries. Another major contributor to this project was the NVV, the largest union of teamsters in the country at the time.

Publicly the Kepler government initiated its reforms to the Reconstruction Policies well, and the public perception at the time was that their efforts were succeeding; however unlike the more cautious van Daal administration Kepler's Secretary of State to the Treasury, James Monroe, was prepared to take out significant loans in order to pay for and complete the infrastructural projects. The result was a huge increase in the government's deficit and national debt as Kepler's government was increasingly forced to borrow money from creditors both inside and outside the country in order to maintain the perception of successful development. This huge accumulation of debt was successfully suppressed and remained out of the media spotlight, allowing Kepler to build a reputation as a great leader - ultimately however the story broke in 1998 that in order to fund that now half completed project Kepler had authorised massive government borrowing and his political opponents began to accuse him of mismanagement and fiscal irresponsibility, resulting in electoral defeat for Kepler in 1999.

The 1999 general election was a hotly contested affair with the three major candidates all holding approximately 25% of the vote at the beginning of the electoral cycle; with no political parties to speak of in Kavo to use as a framework for their campaigns the leading candidates had to operate from the front, having a direct hand in their election campaigns. The contenders for the 1999 election were Lieutenant Andrew Richards, Colonel Jan Voormak, and Major Marcus van der Veld. Richards was widely considered to be the prime contender, despite initial polling showing the candidates were roughly level in terms of popularity, because of his significant wealth and corporate sponsors; while Voormak was the local favourite among east coast socialites. Voormak's campaign was cut short on the 4th April 1999 when Lisa Goodwyne shot and killed the candidate outside the Margrave Hotel in downtown Port Arthur after he broke of his adulterous relationship with her. In spite of the assassination a court quickly ruled that the election should continue unhindered, leaving Richards and van der Veld as the two remaining candidates of note, while Kepler withdrew from the race having never broken the 5% mark in the polls. Come election day Marcus van der Veld was declared the winner in a stunning victory with 58% of the vote to Richards' 41%, most likely brought about by allegations of corporate corruption.

Van der Veld's principle campaign point was a new stage in the reforms affecting the Reconstruction Policies; acknowledging the national debt van der Veld had become the candidate for fiscal responsibility and promised to work towards the elimination of the national debt through increased privatisation as well as significant tax reforms and spending cuts. The early result of the Reform Reconstruction Policies (RRP) was a minor economic recession, with economic growth and productivity fallen well below expectations and finally stalling altogether in 2002; however during this period the RRP succeeded in boosting employment across the board, and though wages failed to increase the 7% rate of unemployment allowed him to retain his popularity. The RRP was characterised primarily by a reduction in spending on new projects, with existing projects continuing unaffected; healthcare and education spending was 'ring-fenced' but spending increases were frozen in these areas - the reduction of the national debt promised would not start to be achieved until late 2002 and this late report of policy success secured a second electoral win for van der Veld in 2003.

Having been re-elected in 2003 van der Veld extended the RRP by seeking private investments in state projects, these investments were secured in exchange for the transfer of mineral rights, effectively privatising the further expansion of the mining and quarrying industries within Kavo. Between 2003 and 2005 more than three hundred government owned mines and quarries were also sold off, resulting in significant financial gains for the government as most were sold for well above their reported value. The further privatisation of other companies in 2006 not only generated huge government financial gains, but also created four major companies which exist to this day and continue to generate huge tax revenues; as of 2015 Grendel and Mag-Torc collectively employ more than 700,000 people from across all areas of society. This massive privatisation suddenly left the government with far fewer responsibilities and with each government entity which was privatised a portion of the national debt was also sold off - this enabled van der Veld to eliminate the national debt in 2011 at which point the administration formally announced the end of the Reconstruction Policies.

Post-Reconstruction (2011-2017)

The Post-Reconstruction era, which runs to the present day, is defined by the rule of President Marcus van der Veld who has held the office of president uninterrupted since 1999 holding the record for the most successful re-elections and longest term of office of 17 years. Having secured friendly relations with Rohst and Newrey President van der Veld's popularity and overall reputation became secure at home and the most recent polling data seems to indicate that the black population also largely approve of his administration thanks to numerous reforms in relation to black rights. The new millennium was marked by the introduction of major financial reforms within Kavo to pave the way for the privatisation of nationalised industries and government owned assets, as well as to encourage the growth of Port Arthur as a national financial centre, by 2011 these reforms had achieved their purpose of eliminating the nation's debt. In 2014 however a major change in financial policy was instituted by the administration, which led to minor government borrowing in order to increase subsidies and investment in ongoing infrastructural projects; while this drew some criticism from the more conservative among van der Veld's supporters and opponents the policy change was broadly welcomed by business leaders and did result in the continued generation of new jobs in areas of low income.

Further reforms took place in 2013 which firmly reinforced van der Veld's status as a reform President, abolishing the regular paramilitary policing body known as the GPK which had served as a reserve military force and armed police force across the nation; serving GPK officers were offered jobs in the regular police, the military, or as part of the newly formed SRK unit which would serve as a replacement to the GPK. Henceforth the nation's policing would rely upon the rule of law and principles of reasonable force and fair handling rather than intimidation and the use of arms; some feared that this change would lead to a surge in violent and organised crime however studies published as recently as May 2016 indicate that this increase in crime has yet to materialise. This major policing reform also saw a marked increase in the recruitment and promotion of black police officers and regular constables were now expected to engage in community engagement and liaison activities in their local areas, a significant decision which had a largely positive effect on public opinion towards the police, especially among black communities.


Kavo was located in the north eastern region of Arabekh on the planet of Aeia with a long coastline which stretches many thousands of miles along the Strait of Sheera. Considered to be a nation of moderate size Kavo's land area was comparable with countries such as Aquidneck and Veleaz. Mount Kybaan was considered to by the country's tallest mountain standing as approximately approximately 3,150m above sea level.

Owing to its geographical position spanning from northern Arabekh southwards into the outer eastern region the terrain in Kavo was remarkably diverse. The majority of the country consists of what was referred to locally as Hoëveld, a large plateau with an average elevation of around 800 to 1000m, while the central and southern regions give way to a low basin which is surrounded by the plateau. The northern reaches of Kavo are generally low lying plains referred to as Laeveld which range from 300 to 600m in elevation.

The Laeveld is a large, mostly flat, area of natural grassland with sparse other vegetation; with a series of rivers splitting the land the region is very fertile and as such was the most heavily and efficiently cultivated region in Kavo. The Hoëveld is similarly flat, but has much thicker vegetation with a great deal of scrub and brush as well as large wooded areas, most of the land of the Hoëveld is rich in mineral deposits. The southern and central basins are in stark contrast to the velds, with a much more humid climate the land is classified as a jungle with swamps in the lowest lying areas of the basin.

The central regions of Kavo are split and their shapes defined by the trio of rivers known as the Three Sisters; the widest, the Lindawe runs through Port Arthur at its mouth, while the others sketch tangled and convoluted courses which cause them to open into the Strait of Sheera many hundreds of miles north and south of the Lindawe respectively. Where the Lindawe meets the edge of the Hoëveld plateau and runs down into the coastal plains it forms the Koning Cascade, one of the widest natural waterfalls in the world.


Kavo has a highly diverse climate, with the southern basins having fluctuating tropical climates known for their humidity and high rainfall during the wet season; the central region is considered to be a sub-tropical to temperate region with moderate rainfall, while the north is known for its aridity and low rainfall despite a generally colder climate. The whole area is subject to seasonal rain storms known as the Reënseisoen, which usually form off the southern coast and move north and west over the country before dissipating at the edge of the Laeveld in the north.

The varied terrain and geographic spread of Kavo meant that it was home to widely varied climate zones with the southernmost and northernmost regions' climates and weathers scarcely recognisable. The south of the country was marked by high humidity, high rainfall, and tropical heat; the central plateau meanwhile experiences a much more moderate climate though with ample rainfall and very warm summers; the north is however completely different, having a significantly lower elevation the Laeveld is prone to long periods without rain and short, but extremely cold winters.


The Commonwealth was a largely unrecognised unitary state ruled as a stratocratic republic. President Marcus van der Veld was the last Head of State of the Commonwealth, and was a retired ArKav Major and honorary Lieutenant-Colonel. The Constitution of Kavo was a single codified document which was originally written in 1976, but heavily amended in 1979 after power was transferred to the military after a bloodless political coup; however under the system of hybrid Parliamentary/Presidential democracy and common law which exists in Kavo the document was not held as sacrosanct but rather a loose framework which governs how power was shared out between government institutions and how officials were elected - it does not enumerate the rights of its citizens, these being enshrined in separate statutes or in common law.


The Commonwealth has a hybrid Presidential/Parliamentary system of government wherein the Head of State was directly elected and operates as Head of State, while the Prime Minister was elected through Parliamentary elections and operates as Head of Government. However the terms Head of State and Head of Government were applied only loosely in Kavo, with the President having executive authority over foreign affairs, the military, and the economy; while the Prime Minister has executive authority over home affairs. This said the 1979 amendments to the constitution granted the President 'supreme executive authority' over all areas of the executive arm of the government, thereby requiring the Prime Minister to defer to the President on all matters of policy; as a result the Prime Minister was largely considered to be a middle manager within the government.

The Legislative arm of government was bicameral in nature, with the Raadkamer being the lower chamber, and the Staatkamer being the upper. The Raadkamer consisted of five hundred members, referred to as Raadslede, who were elected through a party-list system on a national scale every four years. The Staatkamer consisted of eight hundred and twelve members, referred to as Senatore, who were elected locally via plurality and directly represent a specific constituency, usually centred around a single town or city. As with the Presidential elections the franchise for Legislative elections was limited to white citizens and those whose biological mother was white.

The position of prime minister, the Commonwealth's head of government, belonged to the person most likely to command the confidence of the Staatkamer; this individual was typically the leader of the political party or coalition of parties that holds the largest number of seats in that chamber. The prime minister made recommendations for a number of cabinet offices which were taken into consideration by the President to form the Government of the Commonwealth.

Political parties were necessary during Legislative elections, however Parties took no part in Presidential elections. They could publicly voice support for, and encourage their members to vote for, a specific candidate but they could not contribute to campaign funds or resources and vould have no direct involvement with any of the candidates. This was a law which was very strictly enforces with punitive minimum sentences for those found guilty.

Law and Criminal Justice

The Commonwealth boasted one of the most robust and efficient legal systems in Aeiah, a rarity among the nations of Arabekh it was widely regarded as one of the fairest, most accessible, and least corrupt legal systems on the continent and in the world at large. Commonwealth law utilised a blend of traditional common law practices and parliamentary statute which created a rather unique hybrid situation in that it followed the legal traditions of both Aquidneck and Rohst. From 1991 the highest court in the Commonwealth was the Hooggeregshof (Supreme Court), which replaced the previous Hoogsteregterbank (Bench of High Justices), following an intense legal review which had been initiated after the end of the Third Brush War. The Hooggeregshof served not only as the highest court of appeal, but also as the supreme body for legal and constitutional interpretation.

Kavoene law was based on common-law principles. The essence of common law is that, subject to statute, the law is developed by judges in courts, applying statute, precedent and common sense to the facts before them to give explanatory judgements of the relevant legal principles, which are reported and binding in future similar cases (stare decisis). The courts of Kavo were headed by the Senior Courts, consisting of the Appèlhof, the Sivielehof (for civil cases) and the Strafhof (for criminal cases). The Hooggeregshof was the highest court in the land for both criminal and civil appeal cases in Kavo and any decision it made was binding on every other court in the same jurisdiction, often having a persuasive effect in other jurisdictions.

International Relations

Note that the relations listed in the table are those of the Commonwealth at the point at which it ceased to exist as a cohesive entity.

Country Status Current state of relations Mutual Embassies Visa Requirement Foreign Ambassador Kavoene Ambassador
 Aquidneck Poor Relations have remained poor ever since the Kavoene UDI. Aquidneck does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 The Campagnies Neutral The Campagnies does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 Castrix Neutral Castrix does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 Cheonsam Neutral Cheonsam does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
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Den Helder
Neutral Den Helder does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 Hipasia Neutral Hipasia does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
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Neutral Isolatonia does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 Krieslen Neutral Krieslen does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 Midrasia Fair Although Midrasia officially recognises the Commonwealth of Kavo, it has publically voiced its opposition to what it calls "inherent racism" facilitated by the state's constitution and government. Midrasia also simultaneously recognises the sovereignty rights of the regions natives, believing a solution can be found which satisfies all parties. Mutual trade dependency between both nations however require relations remain somewhat amicable. Kavo views Midrasia positively due to its recognition and continued trade. Yes Yes Robert de Gugons (OSL) Reinhardt van Dreising
 Newrey Fair Newrey does not recognise Kavo, however maintains trade links. Yes Yes TBD Richard Atkinson
 Ohen Warm Ohen officialy recognises the legitimacy of the current government of Kavo, and also sends regular aid shipments and airdrops. Yes Yes Herse Isaksson
 Oserland Neutral Oserland does not recognise Kavo No Yes No representative No representative
 Rohst Warm Rohst views the Kavoene government as legitimate, and is heavily in favour of the current Apartheid and status quo in the nation. Rohst is also greatly supportive of the efforts of the Araabyner community in the country, due to their Rohstian heritage. Kavo supports Rohst and has encouraged strong trading relations. Yes Yes Wendelin Mulder Adrienne Turth
 Saraibia Neutral Saraibia does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 Tarasanovia Neutral Tarasanovia does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 Ternca Poor Ternca does not recognise Kavo, and sees it as a terrorist state. Ternca also bans Kavo travel, and conducts economic warfare on it, by various means. Terncan media portrays Kavo as a morally bankrupt, terrorist state as well. The root of bad relations is believed to be Kavo undercutting the oil price. No Yes No representative No representative
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Neutral Terton does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 tir Lhaeraidd Poor Tir Lhaeraidd has frozen Kavoene assets and initiated an embargo. No Yes No representative No representative
 Veleaz Neutral Veleaz does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 Vrnallia Fair Vrnallia recognises and trades openly with Kavo. Yes Yes TBD Angela Appleton
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Neutral Villedegris does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative
 Wustenland Neutral Wustenland does not recognise Kavo. No. Yes No representative No representative
 Yvilonia Neutral Yvilonia does not recognise Kavo. No Yes No representative No representative


The Armed Forces of Kavo, most often referred to as ArKav, were not only the military organisation defending Kavo, but also those which collectively ran the country. Consisting of two major branches (the Army of Kavo and the Navy of Kavo) and three minor branches (the Kavoene Army Air Force, the Kavoene Naval Air Force, and the Secret Service). The Armed Forces were run directly by the Office of the President and indirectly by the Ministry of Defence, and were controlled by the Nasionale Verdediging Raad (National Defence Council) which was headed by the President and consisted of the chiefs of each service branch and the Minister of Defence. The Armed Forces were responsible for the defence of Kavo and its interests, in addition they projected Kavoene power over neighbouring territories in an effort to suppress Black revolutionary groups which continude to seek majority rule in Kavo. ArKav were actively engaged in full scale military operations from 26th October 2016, after military support was called in to quell SUSa backed revolutionary actions. Though the Commonwealth ceased to exist as a state on the 18th January 2017 ArKav would continue to exist and fight on for some time after, and continued to control and administer significant amounts of land in cnetral Kavo.

ArKav has played and continues to play a major role in the history of Kavo, and it is widely accepted that without them the modern Kavoene state would not have existed. Throughout its history ArKav have been engaged in counter-insurgent activities on an almost constant basis, however full scale military deployment was absent from 1980 until the outbreak of the Fourth Brush War in 2016. ArKav also held the unique distinction of never having lost a war, though it had only been engaged in two since its inception as an independent military force in 1958. Despite being one of the world's larger and better equipped military forces ArKav have played an almost non-existent role outside the borders of Kavo itself and partially due to this, and partially due to Kavo's sparse recognition it was seldom considered among the world's best militaries.

ArKav has its roots in the old militia organisations as the Colonial Armed Forces which existed prior to the UDI, with the structure and leadership of the early days of its existence being drawn directly from members of the CAF. When Kavo declared its independence in 1958 the CAF immediately defected from Aquidish control along with their senior staff and within weeks of the UDI had reformed as ArKav. Between 1958 and 1960 the newly formed Armed Forces of Kavo absorbed the major white militias and reorganised themselves, utilising a combination of their existing doctrines and a swift introduction to guerrilla and counter-insurgency tactics; the result of this history was that ArKav is one of the least conventional military forces in the world, focusing less of direct conventional military engagements, and more on small scale precision strikes.


The Commonwealth had a heavily regulated market economy which had resulted from years of the 'Nodige Ekonomiese Beheer' or Necessary Economic Control policy. Owing to Kavo's position as a widely unrecognised state opportunities for broad international trade were not available, and thus the requirements of a true free market economy were simply not met. In order to ensure a functioning economy the government took it upon itself to regulate and in many cases manage certain areas of the economy through a combined system of legislation, executive order, and government contracts. The result of this was a stable economy at the expense of first rate performance on a global scale; thus Kavo occupied an interesting economic limbo whereby recession and poverty were almost unheard of, yet significant economic growth was likewise not present. The Port Arthur Banking Authority (PAB) served as Kavo's central bank and was responsible for issuing and regulating the Kavoene currency the Krendar, which, unusually, entirely lacked any form of coinage. The Chairman of the PAB served as an advisor to the Fiscal Policy and Control Committee within the Cabinet, which set interest rates.

The Kavoene economy was dominated by the agricultural and mining sectors which combined made up 64.3% of the country's GDP, with many larger agricultural and mining companies operating under contract from the government which controlled international trade and exports. The agricultural sector was the largest single sector of Kavo's economy with 39.6% of the total GDP. The primary crops grown were grain, millet, corn (maize), sugarcane, cotton, and tobacco; meanwhile ranching and livestock were focused on sheep and cattle which were reared for meat, dairy, wool, and leather. The mining sector meanwhile took advantage of Kavo's large natural reserves of gold, chromium, antimony, coal, iron ore, manganese, nickel, phosphates, tin, rare earth elements, uranium, gem diamonds, platinum, copper, and vanadium - with coal and iron ore being the two principle resources which were mined. Kavo was the world's largest single producer of gold, however the poor export market for Kavoene gold meant that gold exports account for a tiny fraction of Kavo's GDP, with most of the gold extracted being purchased by the government and placed in reserve.

The industrial sector in Kavo was rapidly developing from 1980 when the Third Brush War concluded and the Reconstruction era began until the country's dissolution in 2017. Key industries included steel manufacture, copper refining, automotive manufacture, metalworking, and arms manufacture. Kavo produced approximately 3.2% of the world's annual steel output, however due to trade restrictions made up less than 0.2% of the global market supply; the majority of the steel produced in Kavo was turned to domestic use in infrastructure, tools, and machinery. The Kavoene government sustained its industrial sector through high domestic demand for manufactured goods, and by limiting the size and output of industrial interests so that the supply does not exceed demand. The steel industry employed approximately 1.2 million people and was the largest industrial sector employer in the country, with arms manufacturing in second place with 400,000 jobs generated.

Arms manufacturing in Kavo was a highly developed industry which was rapidly growing thanks to various covert export deals and Kavo's lax arms export laws; as a result of the combined low manufacturing cost, and ease of purchase, Kavo was one of the world's largest exporters of small arms, ammunition, and light armoured vehicles - however most official estimates from the Kavoene government significantly played down this fact. AIP reports on the subject estimate that the arms industry and sales on the international black market accounted for a significant proportion of the world's arms supply, particularly to terrorist, insurgent, and paramilitary groups; however the Kavoene government consistently denied these claims.