Guide to World Geopolitics (Pardes)
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The Guide to World Geopolitics is an annual report created and compiled by World Council in consultation with key international bodies such as the PMF and PTA as well as an assortment of NGOs such as the Brettons Institution, Liberty Watch, and others to objectively describe world geopolitics on an annual basis. It is similar to but different from World Council's other annual report, the Powers of Pardes, by virtue of describing each nation-state's geopolitical goals, interests, and key allies on a case-by-case basis rather than in a comparative model that the Powers paper focuses on.
The report has been published annually since 1989, when in wake of the world's fast-paced globalization and the emergence of modern mass communications, information on every nation in the globe became vastly more easy and efficient to procure and verify. The compiled paper has been criticized for its simple summarization and lack of abstract elaboration; still, it is largely accepted by most governments and NGOs alike as objective and fair. The report typically sparks wide-ranging debate and discussion after its annual release.
- 1 Anikatia
- 2 Ankar
- 3 Arcevia
- 4 Ariyadh
- 5 Arthurista
- 6 Austrasien
- 7 Belfras
- 8 Belhavia
- 9 Bogoria
- 10 Dacia
- 11 Dniegua
- 12 Eagleland
- 13 Emmeria
- 14 Estovnia
- 15 Goredemabwa
- 16 Gratislavia
- 17 Hornatyia
- 18 Neidmar
- 19 Prestonia
- 20 Rodarion
- 21 Sieuxerr
- 22 Tarsas
- 23 Temuair
- 24 Ulthrannia
Anikatia is one of the major actors in the Kasaishima region and in the greater far east of Pardes in general. It occupies a unique geographic position. It is an island, a continent and a nation all at once, and isolated from external threats by sea and terrain that is difficult to traverse. Make it a difficult if not impossible nation to blockade and it's long coastline and vast continental interior make it a particularly defensible nation.
Historically it has been a key power in the Otterup Pact during the Cold War. During this period it has carried a policy of supporting anti-imperialistic antipathy against the Free Pardes powers. This was initially achieved by providing support and solidarity with socialist movements worldwide. Following the collapse of the DSRA, led to a crisis in which Anikatia was unable to achieve all of its strategic geopolitical imperatives and instead had to retreat from many of them. However, as a result of the Cold War it was able to achieve and maintain one of its key objectives, to gain sovereignty over peripheral seas and islands. In 1991 the Seulbyeni Islands Crisis allowed the DSRA to retake the islands which have historically always been considered Anikatian territory, back from Arthuristan control, and they remained in Anikatian control following a treaty ending the conflict. The goals of a worldwide revolution freeing the world from the system of capitalism and imperialism was abandoned with the fall of the DSRA, and fragmentation of global solidarity within the communist nations and left wing movements. As a result capitalism became the dominant economic force within Anikatia and across the world, and imperialism remain strongly ingrained across Pardes, with dozens of colonies surrounding Anikatia.
Today Anikatia continues to pursue a policy of opposition to imperialist influence within its region, although the true realisation of this goal remains far out of reach. From the Anikatian point of view, restoring and maintaining a sphere of influence that it enjoyed during the DSRA as well as expanding its relations and trade is an imperative. Unhappy with the new post-Cold War geopolitical landscape Anikatia has pursued a pragmatic policy based on the principle of neutrality and maintaining peaceful relations with all countries, regardless of their political system. The means of achieving its objectives have shifted towards a focus on using it's increasing economic power, within the current international systems, with a focus on using soft power as a means of providing an alternative system of values, separate from the major power blocs of RCO and the CDI. The government attaches a high priority to the security and stability of the Pardesi East, and seeks to further develop relations with other countries in the region. It avoided joining the two major power blocs of the CDI and RCO and instead it helped form a the new regional organisation ARCS. In addition it has membership in the World Council, SOPCOMM, PMF, PTA, and UDB. Anikatia has sought membership within this wide group of economic organisations as attempt to reduce influence and dependence on any one nation or power bloc as and to prevent the economic crisis situation following the fall of the DSRA. Anikatia’s geopolitical objectives are to strengthen and protect regional ties against what it sees as an alarming growth in imperialistic meddling within the region. Since the loss of the DSRA's seat on the World Council Grand Tribunal due to the dissolution and end of the Cold War, the Republic of Anikatia the legal successor has been continually denied in its bids to regain the seat. President Sui Anyi's government seeks to reclaim the lost seat as a way to restore Anikatia's international reputation and to rebalance the geopolitical order to once again provide a voice for the Far East.
Traditionally Anikatia has sought to maintain a buffer through strong alliances with Kolenomai and Goredemabwa through the Otterup Pact and has spent both blood and money to achieve these objectives, however the collapse of the DSRA led to a crisis in Anikatian policies and a decline from the international stage. Without the Otterup Pact, Anikatia lost its counterweight to Free Pardes. Uncomfortable in a world that had no balancing power to the new alliances of the CDI and RCO, Anikatia in deep economic crisis became inward and cautious. It observed uneasily the rise of Ulthrannic expansion in Ashizwe replacing the Anikatian allied Otterup Pact powers, but it lacked the power to do anything significant. The indifference of the CDI over the rise of the Ulthrannic Empire were particularly troubling to Anikatia.
One of the problems of modern Anikatia has been the difficult transition from a socialist planned economy, to a mixed free market economy where it is no longer free from the global capitalistic economic system. Instead it is fully dependant on the global market with a generally export-oriented economy. This places it in a position that any disruption of this trade will have a direct effect on the economy. Anikatia cannot control the world price of oil which it must import from abroad. The dramatic economic development since the end of the Cold War has left Anikatia vulnerable to global economic forces that it cannot control. The new post-Cold War international stage has ultimately, put Anikatia in a period of transition, with its current strategies falling short of meeting its core imperatives. The recent shifts in domestic politics with the new more assertive socialist led government, and growing economic power have once again seen a shift to a bolder resurgent nation, implementing its policy objectives with more confidence in an attempt to re-establish its regional power. Although much of Anikatia's future will depend on the evolving global environment.
- Kolenomai: As one of the closest neighbours both in geography and culture, and as a former member of the Otterup Pact during the Cold War in which the DSRA fought alongside to help secure their freedom from the imperialism of Free Pardes. Ties have remained strong in the post-Cold War era as economic and military support has remained albeit in at reduced levels. Although there has been vocal opposition from Belhavia which holds colonial territory bordering Kolenomai.
- Goredemabwa: Shares a common history as a former Belfrasian colony, and relied on the assistance of Anikatia to break free from a cruel imperialist system of racial segregation in a long and bloody civil war that saw the Federation of Myrdesia split into the nations of Dacia and Goredemabwa. Ideologically opposed to the new state of Dacia, it sought protection in alliances, with Goredemabwa joining the Otterup Pact. This not only gave the DSRA a strategic location in Ashizwe, but also gave it widespread popularity among many within Ashizwean states. The two nations sought strong economic and military ties during this period.
- Saarland: As a leading member of the Otterup Pact, the DSRA and Saarland shared very close political, security and economic ties during the Cold War. The fall of the DSRA led to a slight decline in relations as Anikatia focused on solving domestic issues. But Saarland continues to be a key economic trading partner and geopolitical ally in the region with the new socialist led government seeking to further increase bilateral security ties.
- Prestonia: Anikatia and Prestonia share a complex and difficult past, historically close cultural values have been overlooked by periods of severe strain, outright conflict and subjugation. During the Cold War the relations marked by tension and hostility with the suspension of war reparations during this period. Following the end of the Cold War ties and payments were once again restarted and have improved vastly. Now sharing the same fundamental values along with a common interest in maintaining peace and security in the region. Economic trade between the two countries continued to increase since the end of the Cold War.
- Belhavia: In the face of a long standing history of ideological, political and cultural opposition and conflict. Along with periods of suspicion, hostility, clandestine operations, proxy wars, political propaganda and opposition during the Cold War. Belhavia and Anikatia were able to normalised ties following the collapse of the DSRA and end of the Cold War. This has allowed the creation of fruitful economic ties between the two nations. Including the sale of the Anikatian Motykov class vessels to Belhavia in 2010 was considered a landmark for the two sovereign states . Although political and ideological differences continue to be a source of contention between the two powers.
- Belfras: Historically, Belfras has ruled Anikatia for over 100 years before Anikatia gained nominal independence in 1929. This long rule has left a lasting cultural influence. But as the Cold War began the persistent calls for full independence, were joined by a growing sense of nationalism. Which culminated in the overthrow of the Belfrasian friendly government by a Socialist Revolution. This surprised Belfras which had underestimated the magnitude and long-term implications of the growing unrest. This development pushed the relationship to breaking point, with the new DSRA government pursuing a policy of anti-imperialism which directly conflicted with Belfras and its colonial holdings. The revolution also saw a number of Belfrasian naval vessels, including nuclear submarines fall into socialist hands. The relationship would not be restored until after the Cold War with the collapse of the DSRA. Since then ties have been normalised once more and economic trade and cooperation has been resumed and Anikatia was once again readmitted to the Commonwealth.
- Ulthrannia: Historically, the Grand Ulthrannic Empire colonised Anikatia along with Sieuxerr in the 1500s. The Ulthrannic efforts saw the complete control of the Anjutya island as a trading post of the Ulthrannic Empire, leading to the collapse of the fragile Ky'iushqīn dynasty. Ulthrannic colonization brought new groups of people to the country. Many settled in Anikatia, particularly among the fully Ulthrannic controlled Anjutya and smaller island groups along the north coast of the Anikatian mainland. Some of those settlers intermarried with the indigenous population, although intermarriage was slight. This gave rise to the Ak'ulyti or individuals of mixed Akichan and Ulthrannic descent. The Empire was instrumental in reforming and shaping the northern Xi'Kytiahu Dynasty (loosely related to the north western island Ky'ishqīn dynasty) into a Empire. The effects of these reforms which led to many changes within the local Akichan, and wider Anikatian communities, as a result the legacy of Ulthrannic role in shaping the local culture can still be felt today. This was achieved by carrying out a coup d'état, ensuring that a new friendly ruler, Empress Jy'jito Äyeh-Lümei assumed power. The new Lümei Dynasty came to be known as the Aekkychan Empire or Imperio Anikatya to the Ulthrannic for the largest ethinc group the Akicha. This new regime was reorganised by the Ulthrannic advisors with slave trading primarily of the nomadic Jiyeongeul inner desert tribes as its main economic activity along with Jiyeongeul and Kypsyak peoples used as forced labor as its primary workforce for mining of precious minerals. This was achieved by expanding into to the inlands of Anikatia. As a result of these efforts relations have been mixed between Anikatia and the Ulthrannic Empire, while they were less intrusive than the Belfrasian and generally allowed the Aekkychan Empire to rule with a relatively high degree of autonomy. They also caused widespread destruction of dynasties, ethnic groups along with flora and fauna and a great deal of traditional Anikatian culture. Once the Belfrasian Kingdom managed to negotiate and or buy territories from the Ulthrannic Empire the strong bond of relations with that empire declined with the Belfrasians often placing blame of local issues and problems on the Ulthrannic Empire. During the Cold War both sides were opposed and it was not until after the fall of the DSRA that relations would be restored. Since then ties have been normalised and once more there has been some economic trade and cooperation, although Anikatia sees growing Ulthrannic efforts in Ashizwe as a possible unwelcome return to the days of colonisation. This issue remains an area of contention between the two nations, along with the large numbers of asylum seekers attempting to enter Anikatia as a result of the Ulthrannic conflict in Albiya.
- Rodarion: Despite political, ideological and cultural differences, Rodarion has become a key economic trading partner in the post-Cold War environment. Rodarion was one of the first nations from outside traditional Cold War alliances to purchase Anikatian military hardware following the collapse of the DSRA, these sales were crucial during a period of economic crisis. Since then both powers have sought mutual gain from shared economic cooperation, including a number of joint venture programs. Although these close relations have been tested by recent tensions, they have so far it has proved robust enough to rise above the political strain.
- Emmeria: Although ideologically opposed during the Cold War, Anikatia and Emmeria share a common history as former colonies of Belfras. Following the end of the Cold War, Emmeria was one of the first nations among Free Pardes to offer assistance and cooperation. This has led to a number of cooperative partnerships, most notably the creation of the largest aircraft in the world the PAU International Kingfisher. Both nations have worked closely together on space programs, with Anikatia's organisation ASTRO becoming a partner with STARS on the Emmerian Freedom Star VII space station. Political differences remain but economic ties have continued to flourish since the end of the Cold War.
- Sunwoo, a Anikatian conglomerate, most notable for its Sunwoo Electronics subsidiary which is the world's largest information technology company by revenue ahead of the Emmerian technology giant Lollipop Inc., the Sunwoo Group is the seventh largest firm by revenue in the world according to the internationally recognized Diamond 500 list completed annually by Enterprise magazine.
- DN Group, a Anikatian conglomerate comprising numerous subsidiaries and affiliated businesses, most notable for its Taolei, Leizha and Daisuma automotive subsidiaries, which make DN Group the largest automotive company and the eighth largest firm by revenue in the world according to the internationally recognized Diamond 500 list completed annually by Enterprise magazine.
The Union of Arcevian Republics is a local power, concentrating largely its interests in the continent of Australis. Since the founding, the country has adopted a policy of Armed Neutrality to avoid military confrontation. Arcevia's autocratic regime is often at odds with its democratic neighbours.
While largely neutral in foreign matters, it has often taken a stance supporting the Papal Republic of Rodarion. In 2015, Arcevia's ruling autocrats abolished its armed neutrality policy and has joined RCO amid controversy from its neighbours. Despite its membership with the RCO, it has so far ruled out allowing foreign troops in Australis.
Following the Valentine's Day Crisis, the ruling autocratic government has since relaxed its economic and social controls in the 1980's. Within the RCO, Arcevia has adopted a regionalist foreign policy due to its interests in Australis.
The Arcevian government has so far ruled out foreign troops in the mainland or its Special Administrative Regions. Largely interested in global trade, it seeks to maximize its trade through the RCO and its existing trade interests with various nations. Arcevia's military, has been organized for force projection around Australis.
- Tule: Relations between the autocrats in Davenport and the ruling government in Akureyri is often confrontational and cold. Despite this, Arcevian-Tulese relations has been stable since the Valentine's Day Crisis. The signing of the 1990 Kjellen Agreement normalized the bilateral relations. Tule is also a major destination for Arcevians who supports the return of the democratic government-in-exile.
Arthurista’s long term strategic priorities over the past few centuries may be described as maintaining the balance of power in Central Lusankya. Maintaining close ties with friendly neighbours such as Belfras and the Eagleland, it has long worked to prevent the rise of a hegemonic continental power which would dominate central Lusankya and threaten the geopolitical and economic security of the coastal-rim states such as Arthurista and its allies.
Arthurista considers itself to be part of a global group of great maritime trading powers. Top policy makers view concerted action with global partners is necessary to maintain the currently relatively stable global order, ensuring continued access to markets and resources worldwide vital for their economic wellbeing. This entails not only the will to act unilaterally to defend its interests, if necessary, but also adopting the position that a commitment to collective actions for the good of the 'global commons' is inherently rational for the maintenance of the stable international system.
In the near abroad, Arthurista seeks to work together with the Belfras and the Eagleland to ensure that (a) democratic powers in Central Lusankya are free from the threat of armed aggression attempts to unilaterally change the territorial and economic status quo on the continent, as well as (b) the vital sea lines of communication vital to national survival are kept secure.
Both wings of the Arthuristan political establishment, ordoliberal and neoliberal, view the maintenance of positive balance of payment to be vital in maintaining long term economic security. While numerous free trade agreements with foreign partners preclude the use of crude tariffs and other barriers, the government works proactively with Arthuristan businesses to enhance the competitiveness of their goods and services in the international market.
- Scholars have long pointed out the supposed discrepancy between the idealistic rhetorics commonly found in the press regarding the need to promote human rights and democracy abroad, and the relatively realism-based actual foreign policies objectives pursued by successive governments. More than one left-wing commentator has branded this as a ‘longstanding commitment to hypocrisy’.
- On the other hand, other analysts have pointed out that this merely reflects the Arthuristan cultural aversion towards ideologically-driven policy-making in general. During the Cold War, for example, prime ministers from both of the two parties in parliament have affirmed at various points that it was ‘profoundly irrational’ to consider other nations as enemies merely because they followed different economic philosophies. Arthurista’s reluctant participation in the Cold War was primarily driven by the perception that communist powers happened to be geopolitical rivals, due to their meddling in the Arthuristan sphere of influence in Ashizwe and the Anikatian threat towards the Seubyeni Islands, not from any deep-seated fundamental antipathy. Trade and diplomatic relations with communist powers were never interrupted before the Seubyeni Islands Crisis and Arthurista frequently acted as a conduit between the power blocs during the period.
- Arthuristan security policy is primarily defensive, overwhelmingly oriented towards the deterrence of aggression towards its allies by hostile peer powers. Military adventurism and unilateral interventions are the exceptions, rather than the norm. On the other hand, whenever Loweport considered that the credibility of its collective security system is at stake, swift and decisive action usually follows.
As a minor regional power in Skandera the main goal of Austrasien has been to protect the countries freedom of action from hostile foreign powers near or abroad. Membership in OSEN is the cornerstone of Austrasia's modern foreign policy as it is considered the best vehicle for protecting Skandera for domination and for preventing any other country in Skandera from again attempting to achieve hegemony over the continent.
Austrasia is highly suspicious of Rodarion and the RCO internationally which it views as aspiring to global hegemony. Emmeria, while not seen as a military threat, is viewed with suspicion as it is widely believed in Austrasia that Emmeria is the source of neo-liberalism which is a form of cultural imperialism which threatens Austrasia's continued existence as distinctive society.
Austrasia has an interest in strengthening OSEN's capabilities for continental defense of Skandera and has invested in enhancing Skandera's collective military capabilities and improving military cooperation. The Austrasian Reichswehr operates OSENs primary joint training canter for arctic warfare, hosts an annual OSEN Tank triathlon, runs a longstanding exchange program for OSEN military cadets and contributes to a number of other joint projects.
Securing it's southern flank in the Antarctic Ocean militarily and economically has historically been of great importance to Austrasia as it is of great economic and strategic importance to the Empire. Recognition and support for Austrasia's claim to exclusive jurisdiction over the waters between Austrasia and Antartica was one of the original conditions for Austrasia'a ascent into the Skanderan Cooperation Organization.
- Dniegua the Austrasian Reichswehr gained considerable respect for the Dnieguan's during the Second Skanderan Great War and pioneered military-to-military ties with them in response to the red scare, which have continued unabated since. Austrasia and Dniegua continue to hold regular bilateral joint training exercises within OSEN, typically alternating between summer exercises in Dniegua and winter exercises in Austrasia.
- Belhavia there is strong grassroots admiration for Belhavia in Austrasia, particularly among liberal Austrasian's, who view Belhavia as a model which has achieved a high level of economic freedom while maintaining it's cultural distinctiveness. Other aspects of Belhavian culture, such as its cuisine, music and film have long enjoyed widespread popularity in Austrasia.
- Gratislavia Austrasian soldiers aided Gratislavia in their war of independence against Temuair in the 18th century and the two countries have enjoyed close relations since. Notably the two countries were able to resolve their competing maritime claims peacefully in the 20th century, in contrast to the prolonged and sometimes bloody conflict over the same issue between Gratislavia and Temuair.
- The Austrasian Panzerwaffe and Dnieguan Tank Troops have a longstanding "friendly" rivalry for the Trophy in the OSEN Tank Triathlon. There have been a number of brawls between Austrasian and Dnieugan troops related to the competition, and even between veterans of the respective services.
- Belhavia has been the top destination for Austrasian university students studying abroad since the collapse of the Austrasian State.
- Gratislavia is the most popular destination for Austrasian cross-border shoppers thanks to its lower price levels and weaker currency.
- The top five sources of foreign spouses for Austrasian citizens in 2014 were, in order: Tule, Estovnia, Sieuxerr, Belhavia, Prestonia
- Emmeria made films have topped the box office in Austrasia 8 out of the 10 past years.
- Austrasia's three most popular car brands are Anikatian.
- The I Panzerkorps in Tule is consistently ranked as the most popular foreign posting in the Austrasian Reichswehr.
The Empire of Belhavia is a leading global actor, as well as a key player in Free Pardes, in the CDI, and in the world's economy. Pursuit to its station in the world, Belhavia seeks stability and order in the existing international relations regime.
As both one of the origins of, and a strong proponent of, the Neoliberal Revolution, Belhavia seeks to maximize free trade and neoliberal policies through such bodies as OFEM, PMF, and PTA. The Imperial Government has also emphasized its stringent anti-communism as a top priority.
- Emmeria: Belhavia's closest geopolitical ally and trading partner, who share strong cultural, social, economic, and political ties.
- Westonaria: Belhavia is considered its geopolitical patron due to strong historical and anticommunist ties since the 1970s.
- Rodarion: Belhavia and Rodarion share a complicated but close relationship that oft-times bridges the CDI-RCO gap. Sharing centuries of history, religious, economic, and political ties, the Rodar-Belhavian relationship transcends the normal Free Pardes-Authoritarian Pardes narrative. As the two largest homes of world Jewry and generally socially-conservative societies, as well as being two of three largest economies, the two nations often have shared values and interests that create unorthodox alliances and scenarios in world affairs.
- Tarsas: Again departing from the CDI-RCO script, Belhavia and Tarsas have a friendly and economically-interlinked relationship that departs from the growing polarization between the geopolitical blocs. Both share conservative constitutional monarchies dedicated to stability, and Tarsas is one of the largest foreign exporters of (kosher) food to Belhavia, and in turn a large consumer of Belhavian financial and technology exports.
- Arthurista: The Eaglelader Republic and the Commonwealth of Arthurista have enjoyed a long and beneficial relationship, both being democratic states, states in the CDI, and neighbouring countries faced with multiple challenges.
- Basilene Empire: In spite of a common Hellenic Origin, relations are surprisingly under-developed for several reasons. Firstly, the Basilene Empire, since the Eaglelander Imperial Family were deposed from Government, chilled relations with the Eagleland for its different form of governance. Second, the Eaglelander Government refuses to recognise the Basilene variant of Greek as a variant of the Hellenic Language, for its blatant use of latin characters instead of Greek characters - instead it is classed as 'latinised greek' and is prohibited. Third, the Basilene Empire failed to demonstrate support to the Eaglelander Government during the 2014 New Pontus Crisis.
Hornatyia's isolation in the 1990s and subsequent economic crises have been a dominant factor in Hornatyian foreign policy, with the country actively participating in the World Council and various economic programs sponsored by the PMF, PTA and the UDB.
The unpredictability of domestic Hornatyian politics has prevented Hornatyia from membership in military blocs such as the RCO, added to an ongoing civil conflict in the country, Hornatyia has been forced to settle with neutrality in many foreign affairs.
Hornatyia wishes to increase the size of its military and rises in defense spending has been attributed to this. Increased focus on the Hornatyian Navy has intensified, allowing Hornatyia to develop a green-water navy.
The Prestonian Empire is a regional power in the Far East, and formerly a Great Power for the period preceding and during the Great Eastern War. Its experience in this conflict, which resulted in military defeat, has significantly shaped its outlook on world affairs in the past half-century; in layman's terms, Prestonian foreign interest can best be described as pursuit of stability and order within world affairs. It was a founding member of the Organization for Pardesi Affairs, and remains a strong proponent of its use as a tool of global conflict resolution and mediation.
Economically, Prestonia seeks to maintain and expand the influence of free-trade in the world, and seeks access to emerging markets for its sizable IT and manufacturing sectors. Its government has generally pursued neoliberal economic policies domestically, though not to the same extent as nations of the CDI. It is heavily invested in the PMF and PTA as a charter member, and has previously advocated the increased use of its currency as a global reserve; this initiative has generally met with limited success.
The Prestonian Empire has a vested historical interest in security and stability in the Far East, and to a lesser extent in Skandera; its diplomatic policy in the latter is often read through a historical lens of righting previous wrongs done during the Great Eastern War. Militarily, Prestonia is constitutionally barred from making offensive warfare but maintains a strong deterrent doctrine supported by a modern army and a modern, competent navy. The Imperial Prestonian Navy has generally considered its surrounding waters to be its mare nostrum and plays a major role in providing for the security of trade through these waters.
As a net-importer by a slight margin, the Prestonian Empire seeks economically to maintain and expand existing trade ties, and advocates for increased market access and generally lower trade barriers internationally. Possessed of large deposits of crude oil in the Rockaway area and Prestic Sea, the Prestonian Empire has been able to achieve a high degree of energy independence and has sought to increase exports of its crude oil in competition with the POPE bloc.
The nation's high subarctic and arctic location makes much of its land unsuitable for agriculture; as-such, Prestonia is heavily dependent upon imported foodstuffs, principally from Ulthrannia.
- Anikatia: Despite an often-strained history, including a period of warfare and occupation, Prestonia and Anikatia retain strong diplomatic and cultural ties. As part of a settlement from the Great Eastern War, Prestonia pays Anikatia a yearly reparation; these payments were suspended from 1967-2001, being resumed in 2001 with the fall of the DSRA. The Prestonian government officially terms these payments as ex-gratia sums to assist the Anikatian Republic in its economic transition. At present, Prestonia and Anikatia are allies within OSEN, and trade extensively.
- Belhavia: The Belhavian Empire played a key role in the formation of modern Prestonia, by way of Belhavian financier Samuel Roth in 1832; since that time, Presto-Belhavian relations have remained strong despite differing alliances and geopolitical aims.
The Papal Republic of Rodarion is a leading global actor, as well as a key player within the developing world, the RCO, and in the world's economy, many analysts have stated that Rodarion and the United Republic of Emmeria represent the two primary powers of the current world order, each representing different strata of the world order. The Papal Republic is an openly revisionist power, that seeks to address the inequality between the developed and developing world, through reform of key international institutions.
Throughout the late 20th century and the early 21st century, Rodarian foreign policy was identified through its key pragmatism when dealing with different states. It operated closely with Free Pardes throughout the cold war in opposition to communism as well as developing ties with numerous states to support its economic reform and opening up. By 2005, however with the country's economic growth secured, the pragmatism began to be replaced with a more self-centered policy, its relations with other developing countries became more ideological and economic-focused due to the huge demand of resources. Since 2014, the foreign policy has turned more militaristic and hegemonic, with the overall goal of securing hegemony in southern Lusankya and dominating the Sea of Orlessia.
Due to its de facto leadership position of the RCO and its desired role as leader of the developing world, Rodarion is particularly revisionist and aggressive in pursuing its goals, its foreign policy is also seeing an incremental rise of influence by the theory of Ordained Destiny as well as nationalism. This growing influence has led to elements of Irredentism to enter official policy, with growing calls within nationalistic circles for a Greater Rodarion, however due to the dominance of moderates in foreign policy formulation and central government, this has been dismissed as mere nationalist bluster "as the country becomes comfortable with its role as a major world power".
Rodarion has several over-seas territories that it deems central to the 'country's economic security', it advocates a blue-water navy to protect its exports which fuel the country's development. It has a keen interest in preserving stability and order in the developing world, as well as acquiring natural resources.
Due to its goal of regional hegemony in Southern Lusankya, the PRR has a direct interest in maintaining a balance of power in the Sea of Orlessia in its favour, as well as securing its northern and western borders to focus on securing hegemony over the weaker states in southern Lusankya. It seeks a dominant position within the Sea of Orlessia to protect its access to international shipping lanes and for the sake of protecting its eastern seaboard.
The PRR due to its close relations with its RCO allies and key allies in the developing world, sees Ulthrannic expansion into Ashizwe as a key security asset for its policy of acquiring natural resources. It also holds a key view of neighboring Anthor, of which it aims to secure a lasting close bilateral relationship in order to maintain security in northern Lusankya and deny CDI access into in the Sea of Orlessia and southern Lusankya through means of interdependence.
- Ulthrannia: Rodarion's key ally in Akkadiya and Ashizwe, both share common values, interests and goals - having been allies since the Treaty of Santiago in 1777.
- Estovakiva: Arguably Rodarion's closest ally, both states played pivotal roles in the formation of the RCO and share geopolitical interests and have a long history of cultural and political ties.
- Tarsas: Rodarion's key ally in Akkadiya, despite religious and cultural differences, both states share strong political and economic ties. Rodarian diplomats were central to the success of the Ulthrannic-Tarsan Detente and rapprochement, eventually leading to both states becoming founding members of the RCO.
- Belhavia: Rodarion and Belhavia share a complicated but close relationship that oft-times bridges the CDI-RCO gap. Sharing centuries of history, religious, economic, and political ties, the Rodar-Belhavian relationship transcends the normal Free Pardes-Authoritarian Pardes narrative. As the two largest homes of world Jewry and generally socially-conservative societies, as well as being two of three largest economies, the two nations often have shared values and interests that create unorthodox alliances and scenarios in world affairs.
- Anikatia: Rodarion and Anikatia share a deeply strong relationship that has transcended the tensions between OSEN and the RCO, economic ties have grown exceptionally strong since the collapse of the DSRA in 2001, to the extent that Anikatia has become Rodarion's largest trading partner in the Far-East.
- TETRU: A leading Rodarian conglomerate, is one of the world's largest manufacturing companies in the world, employing over 300,000 people. It currently stands as the largest home appliance manufacturer in the world and TETRU Life is one of the largest pharmaceutical companies on the planet.
- Rodarion is the largest donator of foreign aid in the world, utilising the largest charities in the world, with the Association of the Immaculate Heart hosting the greatest number of volunteers and conducting the largest number of aid programmes in the developing world.
With Vitor Antón Avila assuming the office of Emperador in late 2014, several policies and campaigns begun by the Imperial government show that Temuair has an interest in not only maintaining its current position on the world stage, but expanding it. The acquisition of the former Anikatian aircraft carrier Kystia and its commissioning it as the ANV Ceannlaidir, as well as expansions of the nations other military capabilities, and an expressed interest in establishing and solidifying economic ties with other nations, point to an attempt by the Imperial government to improve its power projection ability and status within the world. Lastly, the Imperial government has become more vocal regarding world issues, with Emperador Avila VII commenting widely on a variety of geopolitical issues.
- Emmeria: Temuair has enjoyed good, long-standing relations with the United Republic since the establishment of the Empire in 1908. Of all the Skanderan nations, Temuair has consistently been the closest to the Untied Republic, including allowing the basing of forces at Aisling facilities during the Cold War. One of the first foreign (non-Skanderan) economic trade agreements in Imperial history was signed between the Empire and the United Republic was the 1997 Temuair–United Republic Free Trade
- Estovnia: Temuair and Estovnia have maintained close relations since the Middle Ages. <More later>
- Gratislavia: Despite nearly 500 years of historic warfare, starting in the 1400's and ending in 1908 with the establishment of the Empire of Temuair, Temuair currently enjoys strong and lucrative relations with the Republic of Gratislavia. The two nations, despite their diverse ancestry, share cultural roots through the peoples in the region of Astridia. Although Gratislavia's recent peaceful transition from monarchy to republic could possibly threaten the status quo of Skandera, the current head of state Damjan Mihajlovic has made great strides in continuing the beneficial relationship established between the two nations by his predecessor Javor Stefanovic.
- Temuair is widely considered to be the birthplace of many musical traditions present within Skandera. In addition, celebrities from Temuair tend to be the most successful in foreign media, including actors and actresses, as well as singer/songwriters. Notable Aisling celebrities who enjoy popularity aboard include Antía Vinal, Hannie Faustina Cea, Caitlin María Vieyra, Margarida Mosoco, Rodrigo Cibrán Orta, and Xoana Noela Navia.
- Temuair is home to one of the largest annual music festivals in the world. Each year, a week-long musical festival featuring over ten bands and performers gather for the Signboard Summer Festival. Attendance has consistently exceeded over one hundred thousand people, and attendance for the 2015 festival is expected to exceed two hundred thousandth people.
- Temuair is home to several hugely successful multinational corperations, icnluding ParaCell, a multinational corporation with concerns in the pharmaceutical, petrochemical and biotechnology fields, is the third largest company by revenue in the world according to the internationally recognized Diamond 500 list completed annually by Enterprise magazine. Further, Mosoco, a fashion design company, is the highest valued fashion company in the world, with over 250 directly operated locations in 10 different nations and sales through major department stores in nearly every nation in the world.
- Temuair is one of the few petroleum exporting nations that is not a member of the Pardesi Organization of Petroleum Exporters
- Temuair is the only nation in Pardes which only grants citizenship to veterans of the armed forces.