Araabyne

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Provisional Republic of the Araabyne
Voorlopige Republiek van die Araabyne
Flag
Motto: "Beatus vir qui facit opus Dei."
"Blessed is the man that doeth the work of God."
Anthem: See the Conq'ring Hero Comes
A map of the territory officially held by the PRA.
Capital
and largest city
Shincliffe
Official languages Araabyne
Recognised national languages Siarad
Ethnic groups No Data
Demonym Araabyne
Government Provisional Republic
 -  President Marcus van der Veld
 -  Chief of Staff Admiral Amos Slate
 -  Minister for Integration Arna Nguela
 -  Vice-President Oliver van Sloot
Declared
 -  Coup d'Etat 18th January 2017 
 -  Press Statement 19th January 2017 
Population
 -  2017 estimate 3,640,000
GDP (nominal) estimate
 -  Total $31,207,500,000
 -  Per capita $8,550
Gini (2017)negative increase 54.3
high
HDI (2017)Decrease 0.46
low
Currency Krendar (Kr)
Date format dd.mm.yyyy
Drives on the left
Internet TLD .kvo

The Provisional Republic of the Araabyne, also commonly referred to as the PRA is a small unrecognised state located in eastern Arabekh. The Provisional Republic occupies the territory formerly claimed as southern Kavo and is the last remaining direct descendent of the Commonwealth of Kavo after its collapse in January 2017 aside from ArKav which does not claim statehood. The PRA is located in the center eastern coastal region of Arabekh with land borders with Oshikoto to the south and west, and ArKav held territory to the north.

The PRA has only limited recognition as a country, but substantially more international recognition as a legitimate political force within Kavo/Sheera. Thus far only the nations of Sagite and tir Lhaeraidd have extended formal recognition of statehood, while the participants of the Târgoviște Conference nominally extend de facto recognition to them as a legitimate political force.

Governed as a unitary presidential democracy from its capital city in Shincliffe the PRA is ruled by the Provisional Government under the direction of President Marcus van der Veld, the former President of Kavo prior to the January Coup. As its name implies the government operates on a provisional basis without a formal constitution, though for practical purposes it utilizes a modified form of the Kavoene constitution, which extends equal rights to black citizens.

All of the PRA's present territory, both that is officially considered to be theirs by the Provisional Government, and that which they hold as a result of ongoing military operations in southern Kavo, are claimed by the People's Democratic Republic of Sheera and nominally by the now largely defunct Commonwealth of Kavo. The result of the overlap in territorial claims is the ongoing and escalating conflict of the Fourth Brush War in which the PRA are now engaged against both ArKav and the PDRS.

The Provisional Republic is a hastily founded pseudo-state which came into being as a direct result of the Port Arthur Coup d'Etat 2017. Prior to this the Fourth Brush war had been considered to be a civil war between the government of Kavo and SUSa rebels. However a military coup by Richard Dawkins in January 2017 caused President van der Veld and the larger part of his government to flee the capital and abandon Kavo; subsequently the local governors in Shincliffe and Langley not only agreed to offer the ousted President refuge, but along with his remaining supporters in the Navy and Air Force convinced van der Veld to declare a new state and seek a more moderate plan for the future. It was the result of this verbal agreement between the governors, Admiral Amos Slate, local party leader Oliver van Sloot, and van der Veld, that the PRA was conceived.

Since its inception the PRA has been fighting an ongoing war against ArKav along a moving battle line known as the Ngomo-van Beyer Line in southern Kavo. Significant early defeats in January and February started to reverse in March as additional PRA forces were brought to bear, forcing the line to move north as far as Gilesgate. On the 20th March 2017 a loose and somewhat tenuous alliance between the PRA, SUSa and the PDRS broke down resulting in an escalation and expansion of the war and the PRA's activities within it.

Etymology and Terminology

The Provisional Republic of the Araabyne takes its name from that of the colony which was centred around the southern island but which also held some of the southern territories of the mainland. The name was chosen because it represented the region rather than the people living within it, and with Kavo a highly divisive name between the black and white communities it was decided instead to give the new state a more neutral name. The term Araabyne by itself refers to the specific area on the southern mainland region of what was Kavo; however it also refers to two distinct racial groups, the Araabyner or White Araabyne who are the descendants of Asuran colonists, and the Black Araabyne, who are members of the black majority, whose traditional tribal culture has be superseded by decades of integration policy.

The title 'Provisional Republic' was chosen to reflect the potentially temporary nature of the state when it was first formed. At the time it was believed by most that a formal agreement with SUSa and the PDRS in the north would follow uniting the factions under one flag, however it rapidly became clear that this would not come to pass; nonetheless the title remained in place as a statement reinforcing the Provisional Government's stated aim of a unified nation in what was once Kavo in place of the two state, three faction situation which is presently the case.

History

Pre-Colonial History

The lands which would form the Commonwealth of Kavo have been inhabited continuously for over six thousand years, with the first signs of organised civilisation appearing circa 4500 BCE, however the first written accounts of the region's history come from circa 3750 BCE when the first local written language came into being in the form of the Ashimi Pictographic Script. The earliest traces of the Ashimi civilisation in Kavo indicate that a highly organised and ritualised society flourished along the banks of the Three Sisters, which was largely organised into small city states or petty kingdoms; by 2000 BCE however these individual political entities had merged into a single Ashimi kingdom which was ruled from the ancient city of Sharhatal. The ruins of Sharhatal itself have never been located leading to a great deal of speculation of the precise nature of the Sharhatallic Kingdom, and some scholars go so far as to claim that Sharhatal itself is little more than a common myth for the region and a metaphor for the union of the Ashimi peoples of the region since msot archaeological evidence indicates that the Sharhatallic Kingdom was ruled from the city of Ur, the location of which is known.

Sharhatallic pottery has been found in quantity throughout eastern Arabekh and west into the central continental interior, which supports the Johannes Theory that the Ashimi traded openly and directly with the Zuhal culture and peoples to the south, as well as the now extinct coastal Dhwente peoples and the cultures of central Arabekh. This trade was likely facilitated by early Ashimi development of light shallow draft coastal vessels as well as poleboats which traversed the Three Sisters, as well as by the Ashimi culture's largely peaceful nature. Despite its broad trading links within the region the Sharhatallic Kingdom would not advance beyond Bronze Age technology.

The Ashimi dominated the central regions of modern day Kavo around the Three Sisters until around 1000 BCE when the expanding Zuhalite Empire spread north concurrently with a nomadic migration southwards by the Shuhuntu peoples. According to written records from both Ashimi and Zuhal sources, which have been backed up by the extensive archaeological efforts of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Zuhalite Empire rapidly subjugated the Ashimi Kingdom and absorbed its culture, before in turn collapsing in the face of the Shuhuntu migration. By 200 BCE both the Ashimi and Zuhalite civilisations had collapsed to be replaced with more than seven hundred years of Shuhuntu domination; during the period between 200 BCE and 500 CE written records become incredibly sparse as the Shuhuntu peoples had yet to adopt a written language and had no organised form of central government - the only records which exist from this period come from the few remaining Ashimi and Zuhal holdouts in city states around the Three Sisters. This period is referred to as the Shuhuntu Desolation.

The Shuhuntu Desolation officially ended in 552 CE with the rise of Umbutu Bwezhi who unified the southern tribes of the Shuhuntu and formed the First Shuhuntu Kingdom (contemporaneously known as Zembaruu). Umbutu Bwezhi conquered the Ashimi and Zuhal city states and the Three Sisters and used Ashimi scholars to form the Shuhuntu Script which used a blend of the Ancient Ashimi and Zuhal languages for its grammar and syntax; this Script would be the first language to come from the region to abandon pictographs and adopt a form of alphabet. With the appearance of the Shuhuntu Script came the Shuhuntu Renaissance, during which time the Zembaruu Kingdom advanced rapidly into the Iron Age. The First Shuhuntu Kingdom lasted for four centuries before being overthrown by a resurgent Ashimi hierarchy forming the Kingdom of Sheera and bringing about a short lived period of peace for the region from 986 CE until 1040 CE. With the death of Sheera's second king the country fell into a period of civil war, during which the Ashimi nobles fell from power. In 1077 CE a Shuhuntu warlord rose once again and formed the Second Shuhuntu Kingdom, using the existing name of Sheera. This kingdom would continue to rule over the majority of the territory which makes up modern day Kavo until the colonial age.

Colonial Era (1857-1958)

In June 1857 Lieutenant-Colonel Julian Vogens of the Aquidish North Arabekh Company arrived in on the coast of Sheera with a force of two thousand infantry and one hundred cavalry as well as two batteries of gallop artillery to establish the trading post of Port Arthur for the exploitation of the local populations and resources. With its rich supply of ivory, copper, iron, tin, gold, and coal the region was and ideal site for trade with the NAC bringing in metal tools and textiles to trade with the native peoples. Initially the trading post co-existed peacefully with the peoples of Sheera, however after foreign powers started to broker treaties with the surrounding natives, threatening trade, Lt-Col. Vogens was ordered to take a sizeable portion of his military force and take the Sheeran city of Ur several miles north; Ur was the seat of the Shuhuntu King and the centre of their society.

Lt-Col. Julian Vogens.
Ur fell with shocking rapidity and the Sheeran royal family was exterminated; a series of efforts by Shuhuntu, Ashimi, and Zuhal tribes to regain control of the land caused the NAC to increase its commitment within the region, until eventually in 1863 there were some ten thousand NAC soldiers deployed there marching in various directions. By 1866 all of the major tribes had been subjugated by Vogens' command prompting the ANAC to seek a formal charter of colonisation from the government which was ratified in 1867. A brief revolt by the Dhwente tribes of the coastal regions served as the catalyst for the cementing of colonial authority in the newly formed Colonies of Kavo and Araabyne; the extermination of the Dhwente people by the ANAC's naval forces and soldiers was one of the region's largest examples of colonial genocide and built the foundation of fear and subjugation upon which colonial control would be established.
NAC Infantry fight the Dhwente tribes.
The extermination of the Dhwente led to the mass migration of Asuran and Rohstian colonists into the twin colonies and several new settlements were established throughout the land around strategically important positions or locations where valuable resources had been located. In 1890 the ANAC was declared bankrupt and subsequently the control of the colonies fell to the government who, in order to pay the ANAC's debts sold vast tracts of land to various mining and farming interests; this move further increased the number of white settlers moving into the colonies and provided the basis for the development of the colony as an industrial centre in its own right. The discovery of oil in 1887 further fuelled white migration and made the colonies economically significant at a stroke, however by this time the long term white inhabitants of Kavo and Araabyne had developed their own culture and with the adoption of the Araabyner language they came to resent future white settlers as interlopers.

In 1893 the local Araabyner rose up in protest against the mass settlement of white Asurans into their lands; arming themselves with locally produced firearms and equipment they initiated the First Brush War against the colonial government seeking for themselves independence. After a brief campaign which resulted in the capture of Port Arthur, Fort Hamill, and Lanchester, the three major seats of colonial power in Kavo and Araabyne, the Araabyner proclaimed the Araabyne Free State (Araabyne-Vrijstaat). The Port Arthur Accords saw the Free State gain recognition from its former colonial master, however their independence was short lived and in 1896 under the pretext of security during the Great War the Second Brush War was declared. The Free State was invaded from the sea with the seizure of Port Arthur, Port David, and Port Michael; this early denial of the major trading ports crippled the Free State's ability to supply and fund itself, however despite lacking the means to supply a regular army Araabyner militias known as the Commandos and Voortrekkers formed to resist the invasion. The Second Brush War would last for fifteen years until the Free State was forced to surrender at Fort Haber following the extensive use of internment camps and fortified block houses by the colonial military.

Araabyner Commandos fend off colonial troops.
Following the defeat of the Free State in 1911 the Araabyner whites were stripped of their power and though allowed to return to their farms and businesses they would be excluded from the governance of the colonies until independence was declared in 1958. Small scale efforts to rebuild the Free State were made throughout the following three decades, but all failed to gain popular support; that said it was widely recognised that Araabyner nationalism remained a powerful force within the colonies and increasing numbers of white Asuran settlers came to identify with the subjugated culture, as a result when the UDI was issued in 1958 the government identified itself more with the Araabyner culture than that of the increasingly ostracised white Asuran settler culture which had previously dominated the colonial government.

In 1949 in an effort to retain some degree of control over an increasingly prosperous and economically independent colony the twin colonies were merged in the Colony of Kavo and the Araabyne Coast; with large Nuwe-Araabyner influence in the region and well ordered police forces controlled by Araabyner appointees the colony gained Responsible Government in 1952. A growing surge of democracy globally throughout the period between 1939 and 1970 gave rise to increasingly ardent calls from among the Shuhuntu, Ashimi, and Zuhal peoples of Kavo to turn away from the white minority rule and open up the elective franchise; early scepticism by the Aquidish government was eventually turned into resignation when it became clear that a costly war would need to be fought in order to maintain the status quo. Thus in 1957 the Aquidish government declared that it would be transferring control of the colony over to a government elected by an open franchise in 1958; the response was swift, with numerous government bodies and officials within the colony calling on the colonial government to abandon the plan and set back the date of transfer. However with the prospect of a costly war on the horizon, as well as a strong belief in the patriotism of the white settlers in Kavo, the government was convinced that no ill could come of forcing majority rule upon Kavo.

The UDI and Third Brush War (1958-1980)

In March 1958 the Home Office, Foreign Office, Police, and Militia Office of Kavo held an open conference which included hundreds of local representatives from Araabyner communities as well a senior civil servants, military officers, and even the Chief Minister in Port Arthur. At this conference the gathered delegates agreed to issue an ultimatum to the government and Governor that sovereignty of the newly independent nation of Kavo be handed over to them; a twenty eight page document was signed and sent to the homeland to this effect, but was firmly rejected. Numerous further attempts to negotiate a settlement were made, during which time the conference attendees organised themselves into something more closely resembling an organised government; finally on 29th August 1958 the Aquidish government issued its final refusal and ordered the dissenting parties to disband. Four days later the Conference, now referring to itself as the Government of the Republic of Kavo, issued a UDI and took control of the government of Kavo. The transfer of power was relatively smooth as the vast majority of senior government officials, police, and military officers were a part of the Conference; however the Governor had to be forcibly expelled from his residence and deported.

Members of a pro-ArKav Militia.
Immediately following the UDI the four major pro-democracy and pro-independence movements declared a state of war on the new Republic of Kavo, each proclaiming itself to be the just and legitimate government of Kavo; these movements coalesced into the Pan-Sheera Alliance (P-SA), the Socialist Union of Sheera (SUSa), the Ashimi Independent Front (AIF), and the Zuhal Alliance for a Free Arabekh (ZAfaFA). The P-SA started to seize control of key sugar and cotton producing regions, encouraging the black inhabitants to join their cause in a peaceful way; however P-SA was the only peaceful independence movement and while this meant that they were spared being declared as 'dangerous rebel elements' like the other three it resulted in their early collapse after the Army of Kavo (ArKav) under the command of Colonel Arman de Wet retook the lost plantations in a sweeping police action. The bulk of P-SA's supporters fled either south to join up with one of the other groups, or across the border into refugee camps.

SUSa was the first group to initiate armed resistance to the Port Arthur regime, with a series of guerrilla raids against white farmers and settlements within the western and central regions of the country. ArKav force responded in force with airstrikes and helicopter mounted assaults on SUSa compounds, forcing the rebels to retreat further and further into the deep brush and jungle of the interior. It is unclear when the first atrocities commenced and by whom they were first perpetrated, however as the conflict spread so too did the stories of wholesale slaughter, torture, and rape. The war between SUSa and ArKav was brutal with SUSa forced to rely upon makeshift weapons and tactics while the ArKav took what was described in foreign media as a 'devil may care approach to jungle warfare' with flamethrowers and incendiary bombardments commonplace. A deadly back and forth would continue between SUSa and ArKav for the next two decades, until ArKav finally located an destroyed the 'nerve centre' of SUSa's operations at a location known at the time as Ant Hill; in a well reported and televised battle which took two weeks ArKav forces broke into the complex of tunnels and bunkers at Ant Hill and systematically put the entire place to the torch, killing thousands and taking many more prisoner.

Women formed an essential part of many militia and military units.
While the war between ArKav and SUSa was isolated within the west and centre of the country the conflict between AIF, ZAfaFA, and ArKav was anything but; both the AIF and ZAfaFA were well supplied and trained and capable of great mobility, and both shared a mutual hatred which resulted in a bloody three way war throughout the rest of the country. At first ArKav tried to pinpoint the enemy positions and eliminate them with precision and force, however when it became clear that the AIF and ZAfaFA were too well organised to fall so easily a significant rethink in strategy took place. In 1968 on the anniversary of the UDI General Richard Thomson announced that ArKav forces would now be engaging only in defensive operations around key economic and populated areas. The result of this policy was a sudden and drastic drop in ArKav casualties, while the AIF and ZAfaFA continued to suffer from horrific attrition rates as they fought each other and ArKav's well prepared defensive positions. By late 1969 the second phase of the Thomson Plan was put into effect, small elite units started to penetrate deep into AIF territory and struck at supply dumps and command centres, effectively crippling their ability to operate as a cohesive fighting force, causing ZAfaFA to gain ground rapidly against them. By weakening the AIF in specific areas ArKav were able to predict where ZAfaFA forces would be advancing and would then launch brutal air and artillery strikes against them.
Richard Thompson, the war hero behind the Thompson Plan.
The Thomson Plan was widely successful and left both the AIF and ZAfaFA weakened and unable to pose a real military threat. However for all their success on the battlefield ArKav were unable to strike a decisive blow against the rebel forces during this period, and the result was that a series of raids and terror attacks throughout ArKav held areas would shake the newly formed nation's morale. Under ever increasing demands to end the violence ArKav seized power over the government in a coup in 1976 and installed Andrew Dalton, a retired navy Captain, as President; with absolute power over the nation and itself defence under Dalton ArKav embarked upon the 'Desolation Policy'. The unrestricted use of incendiary weapons was authorised and suddenly where before flamethrowers and incendiaries had been used only as a defoliant, they were now authorised as a means to strike directly at the enemy. ArKav laid waste to hundreds of miles of jungle and farmland as they swept through AIF and ZAfaFA held territories.

Unable to sustain their military movement and with increasingly harsh reprisals being enacted against captured soldiers and their families both the AIF and ZAfaFA were forced into surrender with the leaders finally brought together in 1980 to sign the Fort Anders Accord which restored peace to the region and signalled the end of the Third Brush War.

The Reconstruction (1980-2011)

With the Third Brush War concluded the government, then under President Jeroen van Daal, embarked upon one of the most ambitious projects of infrastructural and economic development in the history of Arabekh which collectively came to be known as the Reconstruction Policies.

The widespread destruction of the Third Brush War had left many regions in Kavo isolated with severely damaged and in many cases obsolete infrastructure. The revolutionary movements which had fought against ArKav had neither the manpower nor resources to develop the territories under their control, and with the constantly shifting tactical situation which came with such a war it was impossible for either side to efficiently invest in any sort of infrastructure. The overall result of these factors was that only those areas well within the control of ArKav had seen any sort of development or investment since the 1930s and even the districts which had remained untouched by the war were hampered by neglect as the majority of the government's attention and funding had been placed on the conduct of the war.

The first phase of the Reconstruction was the nationwide land reforms which allowed local farmers, both black and white, to claim an allotment of land for the purposes of farming or economic activity. These reforms served multiple purposes and the van Daal administration openly admitted that they had several ulterior motives in pushing through the open land reforms; the principle declared goal of the program was to put as much of the country's land into economic use as possible within a short period, however other stated goals included the appeasement of those black communities and figures who had supported ArKav, and the immediate destruction of the revolutionary movement's regional foundations. By issuing free land to anyone willing to occupy and work it the van Daal government hoped to initiate a massive internal migration which would scatter the revolutionaries and break up areas of concentrated support so as to delay or ideally outright prevent a Fourth Brush War. The reforms were not without negative consequences however as much of the land being given away was traditional tribal land which had been occupied by specific tribes and groups for centuries; that the land was suddenly stripped away and handed out to people regardless of their background meant the dissipation of these tribal communities and generated a great deal of tension between the existing local populations and those settlers from elsewhere in the country.

In June 1982 tensions between settlers and locals came to a head when local police requested military assistance after members of the ethnically Shuhuntu Maatsi tribe attacked and killed four families of settlers within their traditional lands, three of the families had been black. The result was massive public outcry among the Geassimileer black community in the more cosmopolitan east of the country which prompted the government to rapidly deploy via helicopter, troops to apprehend those responsible. Over the following months the military commitment increased as settlers successfully petitioned the government for greater protection finally resulting in the Lawful Militia Act 1983 which allowed local settlers to form militias with police supervision for the protection of themselves and their property. Within three months of the passage of the Act instances of attacks on settlers decreased drastically prompting further waves of settlers into the region.

The second phase of the Reconstruction was to renovate the large cities of the east coast, this was helped along by the fact that many of the large slum areas of these cities had been depopulated as a result of the land reforms. Thus in 1984 the government started to bulldoze and demolish large areas designated as slums or otherwise 'nonviable urban developments' - within weeks of the initiation of this program large areas of several major cities were reduced to rubble piles and flatten waste ground upon which new thoroughly planned developments would be built. With vast areas of land in and around the major cities of the east coast suddenly vacated and available at remarkably cheap prices urban and business developers moved in, taking advantage of the post-war economic surge and government subsidies to build modern residential and business districts. Meanwhile the large areas of land left from the demolition of suburban slams were sold off to industrial interests leading to a massive increase in the country's output of steel, iron, and copper which had a high retail value on the international black market. The development inadvertently led to the rise of vast state sponsored smuggling operations in order to export the sudden influx of materials that Kavo was now producing, and with the government one of the only means of smuggling goods out of the country in any quantity executive power and the national treasury grew rapidly.

By 1989 on the eve of the new decade the popular van Daal government published a report on the progress of Reconstruction citing statistics, which were later confirmed by numerous impartial sources, indicating that the land reforms had tripled the country's agricultural output for the domestic market and simultaneously had eliminated famine and starvation from the country as a significant cause of death. In the report the urban development programs were lauded as a success, however the Rt. Hon. Kristiaan de Stadt (lead author of the report) criticised the government's lack of attention to the economic and infrastructural needs of what he referred to as "[the] Middle Strata of the nation" by which he meant the large areas of the country which had been included in neither the land reforms nor the urban development programs. The De Stadt report described the situation as "[the] worst tactical blunder since the conclusion of the war; vast areas of the country, with viable resources and considerable potential for trade, go undeveloped and unnoticed by the government and this is an example of gross negligence on the part of policy makers in Port Arthur. The successes of the east coast and peripheries of the country are to be commended, yet it seems that they have come at the expense of a slowly festering wound at the heart of the land which, if left untreated, will surely turn gangrenous to fatal effect."

The De Stadt Report did not entirely destroy public confidence in van Daal, and largely bolstered public perceptions of the Reconstruction as a policy, however by highlighting the neglected central regions of the country, including major cities outside the east coast area, it had succeeded in forcing van Daal to bring forward the third phase of Reconstruction a full five years ahead of his intended schedule. The results were mixed; all at once stagnating cities in the central and northern reaches of the country started to see government investment and slum clearing, though on a somewhat smaller scale, however because the new works were initiated early van Daal's planners and logistical officials were unable to effectively adapt to the problems of supplying and managing both the ongoing developments on the east coast (which remain incomplete) and the newly initiated ones elsewhere. What this meant was that many so called 'Third Phase' cities ended up in an ugly form of limbo in which the demolition work was carried out, while the actual development and reconstruction in these areas had yet to begin. Work was further hampered when several major companies turned down proposed investment deals with the government for the development of the third phase cities in favour of focusing on the completion of their ongoing projects elsewhere. By 1991 the overall situation had come to be viewed as a prime example of mismanagement on the part of the government and in May of that year van Daal was swept out of office in a landslide defeat which placed Sgt-Maj. Richard Kepler in the Presidency.

Kepler's administration ordered an immediate review of the Reconstruction Policies and in 1994 the review committee, once again headed by the Rt. Hon. Kristiaan de Stadt, returned its findings. Though the review's contents were not made public a fourteen page summary was issued to the press, along with a policy memorandum which outlined how Kepler's administration intended to address each key point highlighted by de Stadt's review. The first phase of this new plan was to turn the government's attention to the construction of major road and rail networks throughout the country; de Stadt pointed out that though large areas within the country had been well developed their productivity and efficiency was being hampered by 19th and early 20th century infrastructure which was struggling to keep up with the demands of a modern and developing economy. The result was the nationalisation of the railways and massive investment in new roads and vinnigeroetes (motorways) which would be partially funded by private interests in exchange for tax cuts on road duties for their cargo lorries. Another major contributor to this project was the NVV, the largest union of teamsters in the country at the time.

Publicly the Kepler government initiated its reforms to the Reconstruction Policies well, and the public perception at the time was that their efforts were succeeding; however unlike the more cautious van Daal administration Kepler's Secretary of State to the Treasury, James Monroe, was prepared to take out significant loans in order to pay for and complete the infrastructural projects. The result was a huge increase in the government's deficit and national debt as Kepler's government was increasingly forced to borrow money from creditors both inside and outside the country in order to maintain the perception of successful development. This huge accumulation of debt was successfully suppressed and remained out of the media spotlight, allowing Kepler to build a reputation as a great leader - ultimately however the story broke in 1998 that in order to fund that now half completed project Kepler had authorised massive government borrowing and his political opponents began to accuse him of mismanagement and fiscal irresponsibility, resulting in electoral defeat for Kepler in 1999.

The 1999 general election was a hotly contested affair with the three major candidates all holding approximately 25% of the vote at the beginning of the electoral cycle; with no political parties to speak of in Kavo to use as a framework for their campaigns the leading candidates had to operate from the front, having a direct hand in their election campaigns. The contenders for the 1999 election were Lieutenant Andrew Richards, Colonel Jan Voormak, and Major Marcus van der Veld. Richards was widely considered to be the prime contender, despite initial polling showing the candidates were roughly level in terms of popularity, because of his significant wealth and corporate sponsors; while Voormak was the local favourite among east coast socialites. Voormak's campaign was cut short on the 4th April 1999 when Lisa Goodwyne shot and killed the candidate outside the Margrave Hotel in downtown Port Arthur after he broke of his adulterous relationship with her. In spite of the assassination a court quickly ruled that the election should continue unhindered, leaving Richards and van der Veld as the two remaining candidates of note, while Kepler withdrew from the race having never broken the 5% mark in the polls. Come election day Marcus van der Veld was declared the winner in a stunning victory with 58% of the vote to Richards' 41%, most likely brought about by allegations of corporate corruption.

Van der Veld's principle campaign point was a new stage in the reforms affecting the Reconstruction Policies; acknowledging the national debt van der Veld had become the candidate for fiscal responsibility and promised to work towards the elimination of the national debt through increased privatisation as well as significant tax reforms and spending cuts. The early result of the Reform Reconstruction Policies (RRP) was a minor economic recession, with economic growth and productivity fallen well below expectations and finally stalling altogether in 2002; however during this period the RRP succeeded in boosting employment across the board, and though wages failed to increase the 7% rate of unemployment allowed him to retain his popularity. The RRP was characterised primarily by a reduction in spending on new projects, with existing projects continuing unaffected; healthcare and education spending was 'ring-fenced' but spending increases were frozen in these areas - the reduction of the national debt promised would not start to be achieved until late 2002 and this late report of policy success secured a second electoral win for van der Veld in 2003.

Having been re-elected in 2003 van der Veld extended the RRP by seeking private investments in state projects, these investments were secured in exchange for the transfer of mineral rights, effectively privatising the further expansion of the mining and quarrying industries within Kavo. Between 2003 and 2005 more than three hundred government owned mines and quarries were also sold off, resulting in significant financial gains for the government as most were sold for well above their reported value. The further privatisation of other companies in 2006 not only generated huge government financial gains, but also created four major companies which exist to this day and continue to generate huge tax revenues; as of 2015 Grendel and Mag-Torc collectively employ more than 700,000 people from across all areas of society. This massive privatisation suddenly left the government with far fewer responsibilities and with each government entity which was privatised a portion of the national debt was also sold off - this enabled van der Veld to eliminate the national debt in 2011 at which point the administration formally announced the end of the Reconstruction Policies.

Post-Reconstruction (2011-2016)

The Post-Reconstruction era, which ran from 2011 until the outbreak of the [{Fourth Brush War]] in October 2016, is defined by the rule of President Marcus van der Veld who held the office of president uninterrupted from 1999 until January 2017, holding the record for the most successful re-elections and longest term of office of 17 years. Having secured friendly relations with Rohst and Newrey President van der Veld's popularity and overall reputation became secure at home and the most recent polling data seemed to indicate that the black population also largely approved of his administration thanks to numerous reforms in relation to black rights. The new millennium was marked by the introduction of major financial reforms within Kavo to pave the way for the privatisation of nationalised industries and government owned assets, as well as to encourage the growth of Port Arthur as a national financial centre, by 2011 these reforms had achieved their purpose of eliminating the nation's debt. In 2014 however a major change in financial policy was instituted by the administration, which led to minor government borrowing in order to increase subsidies and investment in ongoing infrastructural projects; while this drew some criticism from the more conservative among van der Veld's supporters and opponents the policy change was broadly welcomed by business leaders and did result in the continued generation of new jobs in areas of low income.

Further reforms took place in 2013 which firmly reinforced van der Veld's status as a reform President, abolishing the regular paramilitary policing body known as the GPK which had served as a reserve military force and armed police force across the nation; serving GPK officers were offered jobs in the regular police, the military, or as part of the newly formed SRK unit which would serve as a replacement to the GPK. Henceforth the nation's policing would rely upon the rule of law and principles of reasonable force and fair handling rather than intimidation and the use of arms; some feared that this change would lead to a surge in violent and organised crime however studies published as recently as May 2016 indicate that this increase in crime did not materialise. This major policing reform also saw a marked increase in the recruitment and promotion of black police officers and regular constables were now expected to engage in community engagement and liaison activities in their local areas, a significant decision which had a largely positive effect on public opinion towards the police, especially among black communities.

Fourth Brush War (2016-Present)

See main article: Fourth Brush War

Armed conflict between the black movements and the Kavoene government had ceased, however the leaders of these groups continued to operate in exile overseas as activists and resistance leaders. While laws in Kavo became more favourable to the black majority than they had been the democratic franchise was still elusive and a major point of contention; black leaders such as Dr Truman Kumbukani travelled widely with support from various governments, giving lectures and lobbying governments. In this sense the Third Brush War never ended as numerous activists, some using quite violent means, continued to operate on a much more subversive level.

The break up of armed resistance to the white government deflated the morale of the black majority and left them feeling defeated. For many years after the peace various armed uprising attempts came and went, each failing to achieve popular support among the black community, who feared that they were doomed to failure or that the reprisals against them would be severe. This defeatist sentiment allowed the white minority government to focus upon economic development, and also resulted in a political lethargy with regards to the issue of ethnic conflict in Kavo, and while restrictions of black citizens were slowly lifted in a civil sense this failed to address the most critical issues within the country.

The constitution of Kavo specifically stated the intention to move towards equitable government when the black population were "...ready to undertake that burden..." a fact which subdued and appeased many black activists; however thirty years after the conclusion of the war, with no tangible moves towards this eventuality occurring the growing sentiment became one of aggressive nationalism.

Casus Belli

The primary cause of the Fourth Brush war was the white minority government's continued lethargy with regards to the constitutionally mandated move towards majority rule. The Kavoene constitutional amendments in 1976 stated specifically that the goal of the government and state was to develop the nation and bring the black majority into a position where it could assume the responsibility of government without the oversight of the white minority. This constitutional statement of course stems from what is now considered to be a racist view, which was held by many Araabyner nationalists at the time, that the black majority was incapable of safely and civilly conducting itself and operating a modern developed nation state. This opinion comes from the general ideology of colonial paternalism, and the concept that imperial expansion was a civilising force.

Despite the constitutional pledge to move towards black majority rule, which was placed into the 1976 constitution freely by the white minority government, no moves were made after 1980 to ensure that this pledge was upheld and several successive Presidents failed to address the issue or set a timetable for the transition (indeed many simply ignored the issue altogether). In 1999 Marcus van der Veld became President, and though his policies were broadly liberal in nature and improved the civil and economic rights of the black majority they failed to address the topic of a transfer of power to a fully democratic majority system. In point of fact nowhere in his manifesto, or subsequent cabinet documents, did van der Veld make any mention of the topic, even in passing and it was therefore concluded by many black political rights activists both in Kavo and overseas that yet another President was content to simply move on with the status quo.

Early liberal reforms, including several economic and tax reforms appeased much of the black community but were consistently criticised as insufficient by black rights activists; ultimately the decision by van der Veld in 2015 to focus on gender equality and sexuality issues rather than addressing the racial elephant in the room led directly to the war in 2016, when SUSa fighters crossed into Kavo from Aramatheria from the north.

Lanchester Riots

On 12th October 2016 the Port Arthur government announced the news that it had received intelligence that the Socialist Union of Sheera (SUSa) was once again active within the country; though it did not specify where in the country this activity had been detected on the 22nd a series of violent protests in Lanchester broke out which left a total of around five hundred people dead. Official statements claimed that only seven people were killed however it later emerged that the government had only included white civilians in this count and not the protesters and police who clashed there. Following these running protests the police mobilised in force and arrested 248 known SUSa members in connection with the seven reported deaths, as well as the deaths of several police officers, and at the request of the local police force the BVL, a paramilitary force under the control of the government, was deployed to the city to suppress the violence.

Only a day later the head of the BVL units in Lanchester, Lieutenant-Colonel Jaan Smidt, conceded that the situation had escalated beyond his ability to control and with the local police chiefs implored the Port Arthur government to deploy military forces to the area. Under increasing pressure both from the Lanchester authorities, and the legislative in Port Arthur, President van der Veld ordered the mobilisation of ArKav forces into the city to put an end to the unrest and violence once and for all; at the same time fourteen ringleaders from the 248 arrested SUSa members were hurriedly tried and executed on charges of treason which inflamed the situation further and prompted SUSa guerrilla and paramilitary forces hidden in Aramatheria to cross the border on the 26th October.

On the 28th October the fighting in Lanchester was declared over after Colonel Jonas de Wet, the commanding officer of ArKav forces in the area, completed full scale military operations against the city which included a 'sweep and destroy' strategy. Protesters, rioters, and armed SUSa militias were engaged with full force and eliminated, with everything from tanks to artillery being employed against them. After a brief sixteen hour siege of the City Central Library the SUSa ringleaders in Lanchester surrendered and were taken into military custody; the majority of their fighters had not been so fortunate and were either killed in combat or summarily executed on de Wet's orders. The riots came to an end with the surrender at the library, but the city had been devastated in the short period of violence.

At this point de Wet sent a report to Port Arthur, which was made public on January 18th 2017, stating that the SUSa affiliated forces in Lanchester "Could not possibly have been in direct contact with the central organisation; their equipment, dress, and doctrine showed an amateurish, civilian approach which indicates a lack of funding and supply from a larger militant organisation. I suspect that these were in fact little more than disgruntled youths and local dissidents using the SUSa name and flag to inspire some form of concern amongst the forces arrayed against them. In the short term these forces presented no military threat to our forces, however captured communications do imply that they have attempted to get into contact with some greater force that we are not yet fully aware of. I must therefore warn the government and military command to expect some form of organised counterattack by either insurgent, terrorist, or guerrilla forces in the immediate future."

The First Battle of Fort Nijmegen

At the same time that Colonel de Wet's forces were in the last stages of ending the conflict in Lanchester a large contingent of SUSa fighters crossed the border into Kavo, led by a vanguard of ageing tanks, and attacked the town of Fort Nijmegen. No military forces were in the area at the time to repel the attack and it subsequently became clear that the Port Arthur government had no prior warning of the attack or even of SUSa's military capabilities, resulting in a government and military which was singularly unprepared to meet the threat. Like most isolated provincial and brush towns in Kavo Fort Nijmegen had its own local white militia, which primarily served as an outlet for bored youths and a means to protect the town and local farms for bandits and wild animals; this militia managed to mobilise in time to meet the SUSa contingent.

A series of running battles between the local militia and SUSa forces and by the end of the 28th October the outnumbered and outgunned militia were forced to abandon the town and routed southward. While the fall of the town led to criticism of de Wet and van der Veld by the political opposition parties within white Kavo, the President defended his own policy and Colonel de Wet, leading to a split in the military and public opinion of the government. Poorly worded statements over the next 24 hours would lead to outrage among the white community in the north of the country, forcing van der Veld to order a military contingent to retake Fort Nijmegen, despite the fact that he was already receiving reports from throughout the north that larger forces were moving in elsewhere.