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|Motto: Birlik yoluyla dışında hiçbir zafer yoktur
There is no victory except through unity
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Location of the Ankaran Union in Pardes in dark green, claimed territory in light green
(and Largest City)
|Recognised regional languages||Arabic|
|Ethnic groups||Turkish 75%, Persian 17%,
Islamic Collectivist single-party state
De facto: Military dictatorship
|-||Eternal Father of the Union||Celâl Bayar Atankarı|
|-||Deputy Kılavuz||Saeed Rasfanjani|
|Legislature||Congress of the Union|
|-||Upper house||National Governance Council|
|-||Lower house||National Congress|
|-||Turkiyan Empire||9 April 1456|
|-||Republic founded||11 August 1907|
|-||Patriotic Revolution||25 November 1922|
148,142 sq mi
|GDP (PPP)||2013 estimate|
|GDP (nominal)||2013 estimate|
|HDI (2010)||0.749 (high)|
|Drives on the||Right|
Ankara or officially the Ankaran Union (Ankaran: Ankarı Birlik, Arabic:الاتحاد أنكاران Alathad Anekarani, Farsi:آنکارا اتحادیه
Anekeara Athadah) is a nation located in Pardes, it borders Tarsas to the east and Baharaq to the south. Ankar is a National Islamist single party state and has been since 1922 following the Patriotic Revolution, which saw the rise of the National Islamist Front. With a population of 76.4 million it is the XX largest by population in Pardes.
The area now called Ankara has been inhabited since the Paleolithic, including various Ancient Turkic civilizations and Thracian peoples. The Turkiyan Ankarans began migrating into the area in the 11th century, starting the process of Ankaranification, which was greatly accelerated by the Turkiyan victory over the Gazianteps at the Battle of Canckaltek in 1071. The Seljuk Sultanate of Karaman ruled Ankar until the start of the 13th century, the Turkiyan beylik united most of the Turkiyan states but failed to cross the Straits of Didim, however the Sultanate of Cannakale would unite modern day Ankar in the early 19th century, the Sultanate of Ankara would collapse following a failed communist coup, it was succeeded by a weak and ineffective parliamentary republic in 1917. Until 1922 it would suffer continuous political violence between left and right and major religious upheaval as the republic attempted to create a secular state. On the 25 November 1922, a major popular revolution led by the National Union Party secured control of the government and the Ankaran Union was formed, it's first leader was the infamous Celâl Bayar Atankarı who led the Union until his death in 1938. The Ankaran Union immediately attempted to spread Islamic Collectivism to its Arab neighbours to the south, with the Union threatening Tarsan influence in the middle east, the two nations engaged in the Ankaran War, from 1932 to 1937 the two sides would fight bitterly, eventually resulting an armistice.
Since the end of the Ankaran War, the Union has engaged in relative isolation, wishing to preserve it's political regime. The 1950s and 1960s saw a rise in political violence between the government's supporters and a resurgent communist movement. The years between 1958-1965 were regardes as the Years of Lead in which over 6,000 people died in political violence, eventually ending in a massive purge of reformists and other opponents of the regime in 1965. The 1970s the government began to reform the economy, eventually culiminating in a socialist market based economy in 1986, however it remains weak due to corruption and outdated technology.
The Ankaran Union is a Totalitarian, Militarist, unitary, single party state with a diverse cultural heritage. The country's official language is Ankaran. Turks constitute 70% to 75% of the population. Minorities include Persians (17%) and Arabs (8%). The vast majority of the population is Muslim.
- 1 Etymology
- 2 History
- 3 Government and Politics
- 4 Foreign Relations and Armed Forces
- 5 Geography
- 6 Demographics
- 7 Economy
- 8 Culture
Gazianteps and Sultanate of Ankara
Republic of Ankara
The socialist agitations that emerged in the 1910s as a result of continued corruption, ineffeciency and elitism, led to turmoil and anarchy throughout Ankara. The ruling government led by Mustafa Okyar and the Young Ankaran Party became further autocratic as the nation's economy began to stagnate and the political violence continued. Out of the violence not only came the socialist movements but also the National Union Party, led by Celâl Bayar, who formed the party in 1914 following the government's decision to violently destroy an Arab uprising in the south of the country. Over the next seven years the NUP grew in popularity and power, gathering members and support from all ethnic groups present in the Ankaran Republic. In 1920, the Okyar government began a serious crackdown on the socialist movements, imprisoning over 3,200 people, most of whom would die in prison. The left ceased to operate, leaving a vacuum for the NUP, which grew further. On the 24 November 1922, soldiers and police loyal to the NUP secured key buildings and transport links in the capital Nevşehir, the next day, NUP supporters stormed the government quarter, arresting numerous government officials but not Okyar or his key associates as they were in the north for winter, yet Bayar and the NUP declared the Republic dissolved and founded the Ankaran Union. From the 25 November till the 18 December, over 100,000 people would be killed in isolated yet bloody battles between Okyar's forces and the NUP, however the former would later surrender and be executed.
Over the next few years, Celâl Bayar banned all political parties and curtailed personal liberties, and raised the military to the centre of social, economic and political life. Between 285,000 and 400,000 people are estimated to have been killed during the Revolution and thousands more would be killed under the new regime, as discontent began to rise over the oppressive nature of the government.
Early Ankaran Union
Following the Islamic Collectivist victory at the Battle of Erkmentepe, Celâl Bayar returned to Nevşehir where he was greeted by thousands of supporters. Outside the steps of the Parliament building, Bayar declared the 'beginning of our new nation, reborn, renewed and on the path to prosperity and glory'. Celâl Bayar became the Union's first Kılavuz and subsequently introduced many radical reforms with the aim of transforming old near secular republic into a new united left-wing nationalist state. With the Surname Law of 1923, the Congress of the Union bestowed upon Celâl Bayar the honorific surname "Atankarı" (Father of the Ankarans.)
Reformation to the Union 1923-1930
On the 10 January 1923, Kılavuz Bayar and Deputy Kılavuz Renda jointly announced that the National Union Party was the only legally acceptable political party within the Union. At Midnight, all parties except the NUP were banned, their leaders arrested and their members forced to join the NUP or face imprisonment, the leaders of the Young Ankaran Party, Liberal Party, Liberal Union and the Farmer's Party were executed. All wealth and property owned by the former government and the elites from the Sultanate and Republican Eras were confiscated and divided among the the new state and the people of the Union. On the 12 January, the Ankaran Congress of the Union met for the first time, all 320 members were NUP and the new government began its long process of reform.
On the 16 January, the Ankaran Congress on behalf of the people gave Celâl Bayar the second surname of Atankarı, meaning 'Father of the Ankarans'. The same day, the Parliament voted to increase the powers of the Kılavuz and Deputy Kılavuz, they also voted to politicise the Grand Ayatollah, placing Shia Islam firmly within the new regime. Ayatollah Muhammad Jahangiri took the office, the next day, senior members of the NUP met with Persian and Arab leaders and gained their allegiance. On the 24 January, the Parliament voted into the power the National Security and Stability Act, which granted the regime unparallelled powers over the nation's arts, education, media, judiciary and internal security. Censorship and mass surveillance became the norm. On the 28 January, Ministry for State Security, which would later be known as Devgübak, was created. The Devgübak remains one of the most efficient secret police services in Pardes and is responsible for the deaths of thousands of dissidents since its creation.
On February 5 1923, the Parliament voted into force the Political Structure Act, which officially declares that the military's personnel must be members of the NUP and that the country's leadership would be exclusive to members of the Armed Forces and the Devgübak. The civil service would be open to civilians and state enterprises, would be run by military appointed civilians and civilians who worked to the position. On the 8 February, Bayar and Renda both met with the Persian economic elite, again agreeing to maintain the infamous Çaldıran Agreement, which grants the economic assets of the country to the Persian elite and the political and military positions to the Turkish elite, however isolated cases of this agreement being broken for the sake of image is acceptable. The Arabs were granted full access to all three areas within the Jarabir region, the Kurdish minority was again excluded as it has been since the founding of the Sultanate of Ankara in 1343.
In 1924, the new regime began legal, cultural, social, and economic reforms. The first major move was to reform Ankaran society, the new government ensured there was complete employment equality between the Arabs, Turks and Persians, they reversed the reforms of the Republic which aimed to produce a secular society, returning social power to the major religious groups with exceptions being turned over to the NUP and the military. The government scrapped the religious dress code that identified citizens positions within society in the aim of creating a united, classless society based upon mutual duty to the state, except for Friday Prayers. The reforms also ensured that society's focus would be upon supporting the armed forces and the NUP, as well as the state itself, removing the self interested base focus of the republic. In late 1924, the former Turkiyan writing style was rejected and replaced with the latin alphabet, the former Arabic Adhan was replaced with a Turkiyan call to prayer, however in order not upset the conservative Shia majority, the government offered the Muslim population two, Qur'ans, one in Arabic/Persian and one Turkiyan. Celâl Bayar Atankarı justified the use of latin as a means to identifying the Union from the rest of the Islamic World, as a modern and unique state, a bridge between the poor and the rich worlds.
In 1925, Celâl Bayar Atankarı ensured that men and women secured equal working rights, much to the chagrin of the Shia clergy, however they were eventually defeated, in March 1925, women were granted the right to sit in the Congress of the Union, teach and even reach high levels of the civil service and own businesses, however it was made mandatory for women to wear the Hijab and men and women were separated as demanded by the Shia clergy in various social scenes. Efforts by the NUP to scrap Sharia Law resulted in protests by the Shia majority and the efforts were dropped by 1926, however it was dropped in 1932 and replaced with Turkiyan Jurisprudence. In 1927, the NUP began reforms to education, making it mandatory for every child aged between 4-14, over 1,000 new schools were built in the rural areas of the Union between 1927-31. In 1928-35, the economy was also reformed, starting with the Republic's land ownership laws being abolished, land was returned to individual farmers from wealthy landowners and farmers were granted full rights over their land. The same period, the government began a focused drive towards industrialisation and the development of the oil fields.
During the late 1920s and early 1930s, as the reforms to the economy began to turn into large levels of growth in industry and standards of living, the government began to consider spreading the Patriotic Revolution across the Middle East. The aim was to unite the entire Ummah under the Union, driving out foreign influence and unifiying the region's economies to create a independendent and self dependent state. In 1929, the Baharaqi Islamic Nationalist Party (BINP) was formed, with money and political support from the Union, it was set to secure the government in the 1930 Elections. Fearing a loss of influence, the Tarsan Empire pressured the Emir to ban the BINP, which he did so in November 1929, the Union was outraged and claimed the Emir of Baharaq an enemy of Islam.
On the 10 January 1930, six Baharaqi soldiers were killed in a skirmish with Ankaran soliders on patrol along the border, fearing an Ankaran invasion, the Tarsans deployed 4,000 soldiers to Baharaq. Over the next few weeks, Shia Baharaqis who felt secure under the BINP's leadership rose up in rebellion, by March 1930, the rebellion was in full swing and the Tarsans were forced to deploy a further 3,000 soldiers to aid in the crackdown. The Ankaran Union demanded the Tarsans withdraw from Baharaq or the Union would declare war in late June 1930, however the Tarsans dismissed it. On the 18 July, the ANS Turgay Reis, an Ankaran cruiser, bombarded the city of Al-Kobane, killing 132 Baharaqis. The next day, two Tarsan destroyers intercepted the Turgay Reis, in the resulting engagement, both Tarsan destroyers were sunk but the Turgay Reis was crippled.
On 24 July 1930, 230,000 Ankaran soldiers were deployed along the Union-Baharaq border.
Ankaran Union 1940-present
Government and Politics
The Ankaran Union is one of the world's few remaining single-party states, it openly endorses Islamic Collectivism as the guiding ideology of government. The Ankaran governmenth as been described numerous times as totalitarian and corporatist, with heavy restrictions in many areas, most notably against free access to the Internet, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, the right to have children, free formation of social organizations and freedom of religion.
National Union Party
The country is ruled by the National Union Party (NUP) and has been since the 1922 Patriotic Revolution, whose power is enshrined in the Union's constitution. The Ankaran electoral system is hierarchical, whereby local People's Congresses are directly elected, and all higher levels of People's Congresses up to the National Congress (NPC) are indirectly elected by the People's Congress of the level immediately below. The political system is decentralized, and provincial and sub-provincial leaders have a significant amount of autonomy.
The elected National Congress has been described as a "rubber stamp" body. As a single-party state, the General Secretary of the National Union Party holds ultimate power and authority over state and government. This is further constrained by the fact that the military holds all key positions within government, especially the executive. The National Congress has 120 seats allocated to generals of the Ankaran National Armed Forces and it is mandatory within the constitution that the office of Kılavuz is occupied by the head of the Ankaran National Army.
The Kılavuz is the titular head of state, serving as the ceremonial figurehead under the National Congress. The Deputy Kılavuz is the head of government, presiding over the State Council composed of the heads of ministries and commissions. The incumbent Kılavuz is Kenan Evren, who is also the General Secretary of the National Union Party and the Chairman of the National Governance Council, making him Ankara's paramount leader. The incumbent Deputy Kılavuz is Tarık Peynirci, who is also a senior member of the National Governance Council, the Ankaran Union's de facto top decision-making body.
There have been some moves toward political liberalization, in that open contested elections are now held at the village and town levels. However, the Party retains effective control over government appointments: in the absence of meaningful opposition, the NUP wins by default most of the time. Political concerns in the Ankaran Union include the growing gap between rich and poor and government corruption. Nonetheless, the level of public support for the government and its management of the nation is high, with 80–95% of Ankaran citizens expressing satisfaction with the central government, according to a 2011 survey, however this has been disputed by critics of the Ankaran regime.
To many outside the Ankaran Union, the nation is seen as nothing more than a totalitarian junta, that is opppressive towards it citizens. The Union is also renown for having one of the worst human rights records in Pardes. Ankara is also immensely militarist with the military dominating the governing process, the policy of Ebedi Direnç (Eternal Resistance) has caused the military to become the sole focus of the Union in economic, social and political fields.
Foreign Relations and Armed Forces
The Ankaran government's officially stated goal is to establish a new regional order based on Pardesi peace, regional collective security and justice although in 2009, the Ankaran Union's supreme political leader Kılavuz Kenan Evren, had stated that these terms should be understood in the context of the Shia Islamic belief system. Ankar's foreign relations are based on two strategic principles: eliminating outside influences in Akkadiya and pursuing extensive diplomatic contacts with developing and non-aligned countries.
Kılavuz Kenan Evren has been highly critical of foreign exploitation of the Islamic world in Pardes, denouncing the continued Tarsan military presence in Baharaq as an occupation and the continued existance of New Pontus as a 'racialist experiement'. The Union in various events has openly stated its aims to unite the Muslim world under the Union, through militaristic means. In 2004 the Ankaran government vowed to free Akkadiya from foreign occupation by 2020, through the spilling of occupier's blood.
The Union has rejected both the Romula Cooperation Organisation and Central Defense Initiative as forces for regional instability and division. The Union also left the Organization for Pardesi Affairs in 1999 stated that the organisation was created in the interests of the major imperialist nations which aimed to defend their hold over the Muslim world through international law.
The Ankaran National Armed Forces consists of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force. The fifth branch exists, which is held by the Grey Wolves which exists as a revolutionary guard and is mostly a paramilitary force. The Grey Wolves includes about 30,000 full-time, active-duty uniformed members, yet Up to 11 million men and women are members of the volunteer militia who could potentially be called up for service; some estimate Ankar could mobilize "up to one million men".
The Chief of the General Staff is also the Kılavuz and the office holder takes that position upon election. The National Security Commitee is responsible for the well-being of the Armed Forces including logistics and other matters. The right to declare war lays with the Kılavuz, however he must consult the National Security Committee prior to making the decision.
The Ankaran National Armed Forces are among the largest in Pardes with 550,000 active personnel and 650,000 reserve, making a total number of personnel at 1.2 million. Ankaran military expenditures in 2012 amounted to $40.53 billion, representing 6.5% of GDP.
Every fit male Ankaran citizen otherwise not barred is required to serve in the military for a period ranging from fifteen months to three years, dependent on education and job location. The Union does not recognise conscientious objection and does not offer a civilian alternative to military service.
Ankar's population grew rapidly during the latter half of the 20th century, increasing from about 89 million in 1966 to around 173 million by 2009. However, with current birth rates as they are, Ankar may become home to an estimated 203 million people by 2030. Ankar hosts one of the largest refugee populations in Pardes, with more than one million refugees, mostly from Baharaq and Talibastain. Since 2006, Ankaran officials have been working with the OPAHCR and Talibastaini officials for their repatriation.
According to the Ankaran Constitution, the government is required to provide every citizen of the country with access to social security that covers retirement, unemployment, old age, disability, accidents, calamities, health and medical treatment and care services. This is covered by tax revenues and income derived from public contributions.
The last official census was in 2012 and recorded a total country population of 176,174,380 inhabitants, nearly three-quarters of whom lived in towns and cities. According to the 2014 estimate, the population is increasing by 1.35% each year. Ankar has an average population density of 97 people per km². People within the 15–64 age group constitute 67.4% of the total population; the 0–14 age group corresponds to 25.3%; while senior citizens aged 65 years or older make up 7.3%. In 1927, when the first official census was recorded in the Ankaran, the population was 33.6 million.
Life expectancy stands at 74.1 years for men and 78.3 years for women, with an overall average of 75.2 years for the populace as a whole.
Article 66 of the Ankaran Constitution defines a "Ankaran" as "anyone who is bound to the Ankaran state through the bond of citizenship"; therefore, the legal use of the term "Ankaran" as a citizen of Ankaran is different from the ethnic definition. However, the majority of the Ankaran population are of Turkish ethnicity. They are estimated at 70–75% by the Department of Official Statistics.
The Persians account for 18% of the population and are recognised both through de facto and de jure means, as equals to the Turk majority. Persians however hold most of the nation's wealth despite their number, Persians hold many positions in high society, including government, military and legal sectors. Persians are also the leading Islamic figures in the country, with roughly 57.3% of all Mullahs in the country being Persian. Kurds and Arabs do not have specific minority rights, the Government of Ankar is frequently being criticized for its treatment of minorities. Kurds and Arabs are treated as second class citizens, with Kurds mostly being exploited economically and socially, roughly 75% of the Kurd population live in slum like townships which are located outside cities and heavily guarded, Kurds have no economic mobility nor are they recognised as a official citizens of the Union, but rather 'Long Term Residents'. Kurds suffer from regular discrimination, both verbal and physical. In 2012 the Pardesi Human Rights Council declared that 3,240 Ankaran Kurds had been murdered by Ankaran government death squads since 2006. Arabs however suffer less severely than Kurds, however they are confined to their ethno-geographical area through legisation, they are also confined employment wise to low key and poor paying jobs, usually going on wages of around $1 a day, however efforts in 2009 to improve the rights and living conditions of the Arab population began to pick up in pace, in 2010 the National Arab Citizenship Act was passed, in which 55% of the Arab population were granted the same rights as the Turk and Persian groups, however they're ability to rise through the ranks of the military and the government remain limited.
Reliable data on the ethnic mix of the population is not available, because Ankaran census figures do not include statistics on ethnicity.
An estimated 71% of the population live in urban centers. All 31 provinces have populations that exceed 1 million inhabitants.
Largest cities or towns in Ankar
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Zoroastrianism, was the state religion of the former Persian Panavid Empire until Islam was spread from the Arab world via the Jabbari Caliphate in 776 AD. The Turkish and Arab populations were majority Sunni until 1104 AD when Twelver Shia Islam became the majority under the efforts of Caliph Ibn Rashid. Zoroastrians in the Sadran region are the oldest religious community of the nation, with a long history continuing up to the present day. After the fall of the Panavid Zoroastrian empire by the Muslim conquest of modern day Ankar, Zoroastrians have periodically faced extreme religious oppression including forced conversions, massacres, harassment, and other forms of discrimination.
Today, religion in Iran is dominated by the Twelver Shia branch of Islam, which is the official state religion and to which about 90% to 97% of Ankarans belong. About 2% to 3% of Ankarans belong to the Sunni branch of Islam, mainly Kurds and a small minority of Ankaran Arabs. The remaining 1-2% are non-Muslim religious minorities, including Bahá'ís, Hindus, Yezidis, Yarsanis, Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians.
The latter three minority religions are officially recognized and protected, and have reserved seats in the Ankaran Parliament. However the Bahá'í Faith, has faced concentrated and state led efforts to destroy the minority. In 1939-1942 over 8,000 Baha'is were massacred by the Bozkurtlar, as of 2011 the overall number of Baha'is has fallen by 43%.
Ankar's economy is a mixture of central planning, state ownership of oil and other large enterprises, village agriculture, and small-scale private trading and service ventures. In 2013 GDP was $623.65 billion ($878.58 billion at PPP), or $4,987 at PPP per capita. Ankar is ranked as a developing country by the Organisation for Pardesi Affairs. In the early 21st century the service sector contributed the largest percentage of the GDP, followed by industry (mining and manufacturing) and agriculture. The Central Bank of the Union is responsible for developing and maintaining the Ankaran Lira, which serves as the country's currency. The government doesn't recognize trade unions other than the Islamic Labour Councils, which are subject to the approval of employers and the security services. The minimum wage in June 2013 was 487 million lira a month ($134). Unemployment has remained above 3% since 1997, and the unemployment rate for women is almost double that of the men.
In 2006, about 45% of the government's budget came from oil and natural gas revenues, and 31% came from taxes and fees. As of 2007, Ankar had earned $70 billion in foreign exchange reserves mostly (80%) from crude oil exports. Ankaran budget deficits have been a chronic problem, mostly due to large-scale state subsidies, that include foodstuffs and especially gasoline, totaling more than $84 billion in 2008 for the energy sector alone and its runaway defence spending, which stands at $40.53 billion. In 2010, the economic reform plan was approved by parliament to cut subsidies gradually and replace them with targeted social assistance. The objective is to move towards free market prices in a 5-year period and increase productivity and social justice.
The administration continues to follow the market reform plans of the previous one and indicated that it will diversify Ankar's oil-reliant economy. Ankar has also developed a biotechnology, nanotechnology, and pharmaceuticals industry. However, nationalized industries such as the bonyads have often been managed badly, making them ineffective and uncompetitive with years. Currently, the government is trying to privatize these industries, and, despite successes, there are still several problems to be overcome, such as the lagging corruption in the public sector and lack of competitiveness. In 2013, the government announced a nationwide anti-corruption campaign, which has seen over 2,000 arrests and some success in improving ineffeciency.
Ankar has leading manufacturing industries in the fields of car-manufacture and transportation, construction materials, home appliances, food and agricultural goods, armaments, pharmaceuticals, information technology, power and petrochemicals in the Middle East.
The Ankaran Union has the fourth largest proved gas reserves in Pardes, with 18.6 trillion cubic metres. It also ranks fifth in oil reserves with an estimated 101,600,000,000 barrels. It is OPFFEC's 7th largest oil exporter and is an energy power. In 2009, Ankar spent US$4.9 billion on fuel imports, because of contraband and inefficient domestic use. Oil industry output averaged 4 million barrels per day (640,000 m3/d) in 2011, compared with the peak of eight million barrels per day reached in 1974. Since 2007, the Ankaran government has spent $11.4 billion on upgrading its wells and modernising its oil industry, with six new oil fields discovered in the Central Ocean.
In 2010, a large share of natural gas reserves in Ankar were untapped. The addition of new hydroelectric stations and the streamlining of conventional coal and oil-fired stations increased installed capacity to 33,000 megawatts. Of that amount, about 75% was based on natural gas, 18% on oil, and 7% on hydroelectric power. In 2004, Ankar opened its first wind-powered and geothermal plants, and the first solar thermal plant is to come online in 2009. In 2013, the Ankaran government announced that cleaner forms of energy would be used for domestic use, improving the nation's enviroment, but also increasing the share of petrochemicals open to export.
Demographic trends and intensified industrialization have caused electric power demand to grow by 8% per year. The government’s goal of 53,000 megawatts of installed capacity by 2010 is to be reached by bringing on line new gas-fired plants and by adding hydroelectric, and nuclear power generating capacity.